THE FOURTH OF MARCH, 1901 

A photograph taken on the day when Theodore Roosevelt 

was sworn in as Vice-President of 

the United States 



THE WORKS OF 

Theodore Roosevelt 

w 
IN FOURTEEN VOLUMES 

Illustrated 



Presidential Addresses 
and State ] > apers 



PART TWO 




j£ xecutive Jgdition 

PUBLISHED WITH THE PERMISSION OF THE 
PRESIDENT THROUGH SPECIAL ARRANGEMENT 
WITH THE CENTURY CO., MESSRS. CHARLES 
SCRIBNER'S SONS, AND G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 



NEW YORK 

P. F. COLLIER & SON, PUBLISHERS 

14 



.T?ta5 



The Publishers desire to make clear to the readers that President Roosevelt 

retains no pecuniary interest in the sale of the volumes containing these 

speeches. He feels that the material contained in these addresses 

has been dedicated to the public, and that it is, therefore, 

not to be handled as copyrighted material from which 

the President should receive any pecuniary return. 



I 



■ - 



Jj JON 1 9 nt9 t 



PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESSES 
AND STATE PAPERS 

PART TWO 



PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESSES AND 
STATE PAPERS 

AT DEDICATION OF NAVY MEMORIAL MONU- 
MENT, SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., MAY 14, 1903 

Mr. Mayor; My Fellow-Citizens: 

The ground for this monument was first turned by 
President McKinley, and I am glad to have the 
chance of saying a few words in dedication of the 
completed monument. There is no branch of our 
government in which all our people are so deeply 
interested as the Navy of the United States. It is 
not merely San Francisco, not merely New York, or 
Boston, or Charleston, or New Orleans, not merely 
the seacoast cities of the Nation ; every individual in 
the Nation who is proud of America and jealous of 
her good name must feel a thrill of generous emotion 
at the erection of a monument to the navy, a monu- 
ment to the fleet which was victorious under Admiral 
Dewey on the first of May five years ago, a fleet which 
then added a new page to the long honor roll of 
American achievement. It is eminently fitting that 
there should be here in this great city on the Pacific 
Ocean a monument to commemorate the deed which 
showed once for all that America had taken her po- 
sition on the Pacific. I want you all to draw a prac- 
tical lesson from this commemoration. We today- 
dedicate this monument because those who went be- 
fore us had the wisdom to make ready for the vic- 

i-Vol. XIV (40I) 



4-02 Presidential Addresses 

tory. If we wish our children to have the chance 
of dedicating monuments of this kind in the event 
of war we must see that the navy is made ready in 
advance. To dedicate the monument would be an 
empty and foolish thing if we accompanied it by 
an abandonment of our national policy of building 
up the navy. And good though it is to erect this 
monument, it is better still to go on with the build- 
ing up of the navy which gave the monument to 
us, and which, if we ever give it a fair chance, can 
be relied upon to rise level to our needs. 

Remember that after the war has begun it is too 
late to improvise a navy. A naval war is two- 
thirds settled in advance, at least two-thirds, because 
it is mainly settled by the preparation which has 
gone on for years preceding its outbreak. - We won 
at Manila because the shipbuilders of the country, 
including those here at San Francisco, under the 
wise provisions of Congress, had for fifteen years 
before been preparing the navy. In 1882 our navy 
was a shame and a disgrace to the country in point 
of material. The personnel contained as fine ma- 
terial as there was to be found in the world but the 
ships and the guns were antiquated, and it would 
have been a wicked absurdity to have sent them 
against the ships of any good power. Then we be- 
gan to build up the navy. Every ship that fought 
under Dewey had been built between 1883 and 1896. 

We come here as patriots remembering that our 
party lines stop at the water's edge. That fleet 
was successful in 1898 because under the previous 
administrations of both political parties, under the 
previous Congresses controlled by both political par- 



And State Papers 4°3 

ties, for the previous fifteen years there had been a 
resolute effort to build adequate ships. The ships 
that went in under Dewey had been constructed un- 
der different successive Secretaries of the Navy and 
had been provided for by different successive Con- 
g-resses of the United States. Not one of them had 
been built less than two years, some of them four- 
teen years. We could not have begun to fight that 
battle if we had not been for so many years making 
ready the navy. 

The last Congress has taken greater strides than 
any previous Congress in making ready the navy, 
but it will be two or three years before the effects 
are seen. In no branch of the government are fore- 
sight and the carrying out of a steady and continu- 
ous policy so necessary as in the navy; and you, 
citizens of San Francisco, of California, and all our 
citizens should make it a matter of prime duty to see 
that there is no halt in that work, that the next Con- 
gress, and the Congress after that, and the Congress 
after that, go right on providing formidable war- 
craft, providing officers, providing men, and pro- 
viding the means of training them in peace to be 
effective in war. The best ships and the best guns 
do not count unless they are handled aright and 
aimed aright, and the best men can not thus handle 
the one nor aim. the other if they do not have ample 
practice. Our people must be trained in handling 
our ships in squadrons on the high seas. Our peo- 
ple on the ships must be trained by actual practice 
to do their duty in conning tower, in the engine 



404 Presidential Addresses 

rooms, in the gun turrets. The shots that count in 
battle are the shots that hit. 

We have reason to be satisfied with the rapid in- 
crease in accuracy in marksmanship of the navy in 
recent years, and I congratulate Admiral Glass and 
those under him and all our naval officers who are 
taking their part so well in perfecting that work, and 
I congratulate the enlisted men of the navy upon the 
extraordinary improvement in marksmanship shown 
by the gun pointers. 

Applaud the navy and what it has done. That 
is first-class. But make your applause count by 
seeing that the good work goes on. Besides ap- 
plauding now see to it that the navy is so built up 
that the men of the next generation will have some- 
thing to applaud also. 

AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKE- 
LEY, CAL., MAY 14, 1903 

President Wheeler; Fellow-Members of the Uni- 
versity: 

Last night, in speaking to one of my new friends 
in California, he told me that he thought enough had 
been said to me about the fruits and flowers; that 
enough had been said to me about California being 
an Eden, and that he wished I would pay some at- 
tention to Adam as well. Much though I have been 
interested in the wonderful physical beauty of this 
wonderful State, I have been infinitely more inter- 
ested in its citizenship, and perhaps most in its 
citizenship in the making. 



And State Papers 4°5 

When I come to the University of California and 
am greeted by its President I am greeted by an old 
and valued friend, a friend whom I have not merely 
known socially but upon whom, while I was Gov- 
ernor of New York, I leaned often for advice and as- 
sistance in the problems with which I had to deal. 
When he accepted your offer I grudged him to 
you. And it was not until I came here, not until I 
have seen you, that I have been fully reconciled to the 
loss. But now I am, for I can conceive of no hap- 
pier life for any man to lead to whom life means 
what it should mean, than the life of the President of 
this great University. 

This same friend last night suggested to me a 
thought that I intend to work out in speaking to 
you to-day. We were talking over the University 
of California, and from that we spoke of the general 
educational system of our country. Facts tend to 
become commonplace, and we tend to lose sight of 
their importance when once they are ingrained into 
the life of the Nation. Although we talk a good 
deal about what the widespread education of this 
country means. I question if many of us deeply con- 
sider its meaning. From the lowest grade of the 
public school to the highest form of university train- 
ing, education in this country is at the disposal of 
every man, every woman, who chooses to work for 
and obtain it. The State has done much, very much ; 
witness this university. Private benefaction has 
done very much ; witness also this university. And 
each one of us who has obtained an education 



4-o6 Presidential Addresses 

has obtained something for which he or she has not 
personally paid. No matter what the school, what 
the university, every American who has a school 
training, a university training, has obtained some- 
thing given to him outright by the State, or given 
to him by those dead or those living who were able 
to make provision for that training because of the 
protection of the State, because of existence within 
its borders. Each one of us then who has an edu- 
cation, school or college, has obtained something 
from the community at large for which he or she 
has not paid, and no self-respecting man or woman is 
content to rest permanently under such an obliga- 
tion. Where the State has bestowed education the 
man who accepts it must be content to accept it 
merely as a charity unless he returns it to the State 
in full, in the shape of good citizenship. I do not 
ask of you, men and women here to-day, good citi- 
zenship as a favor to the State. I demand it of you 
as a right, and hold you recreant to your duty if 
you fail to give it. 

Here you are in this university, in this State with 
its wonderful climate, which is permitting people of 
a northern stock for the first time in the history of 
that northern stock to gain education in physical 
surroundings somewhat akin to those which sur- 
rounded the early Greeks. Here you have all those 
advantages and you are not to be excused if you do 
not show in tangible fashion your appreciation of 
them and your power to give practical effect to 
that appreciation. From all our citizens we have 



And State Papers 407 

a right to expect good citizenship; but most of all 
from those who have received most ; most of all 
from those who have had the training of body, of 
mind, of soul, which comes from association in and 
with a great university. From those to whom much 
has been given we have Biblical authority to expect 
and demand much in return ; and the most that can 
be given to any man is education. I expect and de- 
mand in the name of the Nation much more from 
you who have had training of the mind than from 
those of mere wealth. To the man of means much 
has been given, too, and much will be expected from 
him, and ought to be, but not as much as from you, 
because your possession is more valuable than his. 
If you envy him I think poorly of you. Envy is 
merely the meanest form of admiration, and a man 
who envies another admits thereby his own inferior- 
ity. We have a right to expect from the college 
bred man, the college bred woman, a proper sense of 
proportion, a proper sense of perspective, which will 
enable him or her to see things in their right rela- 
tion one to another, and when thus seen while wealth 
will have a proper place, a just place, as an instru- 
ment for achieving happiness and power, for confer- 
ring happiness and power, it will not stand as high 
as much else in our national life. I ask you to take 
that not as a conventional statement from the uni- 
versity platform, but to test it by thinking of the 
men whom you admire in our past history and see- 
ing what are the qualities which have made you 
admire them, what are the services they have ren- 



408 Presidential Addresses 

dered. For as President Wheeler said to-day, it is 
true now as it ever has been true that the greatest 
good fortune, the greatest honor, that can befall 
any man is that he shall serve, that he shall serve the 
Nation, serve his people, serve mankind ; and looking 
back in history the names that come up before us, 
the names to which we turn, the names of the men of 
our own people which stand as shining honor marks 
in our annals, the names of those men typifying quali- 
ties which rightly we should hold in reverence, are 
the names of the statesmen, of the soldiers, of the 
poets — and after them, not abreast of them, the 
names of the architects of our material prosperity 
also. 

Of recent years I have been thrown in contact 
with a number of college graduates doing good 
service to the country, and as I wish to make it per- 
fectly evident what I mean by the kind of service 
which I should hope to have from you and which it 
seems to me worth while to render, I want to say 
just a word about two college graduates who have 
during the last five years rendered and are now ren- 
dering such services : Governor Taft in the Phil- 
ippines, and Brigadier-General Leonard Wood, late- 
ly Governor of Cuba. When we acquired the Phil- 
ippines and took possession for the time being of 
Cuba to train its people in citizenship, we assumed 
heavy responsibilities; so heavy that some very ex- 
cellent persons thought we ought to shirk them. I 
hold that a great and masterful people forfeits its 
title to greatness if it shirks any work because that 



And State Papers 409 

work is difficult and responsible. The difficulty and 
responsibility impose upon us the high duty of doing 
the work well, but they in no way excuse us for re- 
fusing to do it. We had to do the work and 
the question came of the choice of instruments in 
doing it. The most important and most difficult 
task after the establishment of order by the army 
in the Philippines was the establishment of civil 
government therein; and second only in impor- 
tance to that came the administration of Cuba, 
during the three years and over that elapsed be- 
fore we were able to turn its government over to 
its own people and start it as a free Republic. When 
tasks are all-important the most important factor 
in doing them right is the choice of the agents ; and 
among the many debts of gratitude which this Na- 
tion owes to President McKinley, no debt is greater 
than the debt we owe him for the choice of his in- 
struments, such a choice as that of Taft, such a 
choice as that of Wood. We sent Taft to the Phil- 
ippines ; we sent Wood to Cuba ; both of them as 
tested by the standard of our commercial life, poor 
men; each man with little more than his salary to 
keep himself and his family; each man to handle 
millions upon millions of dollars, to have the power 
by mere conniving at what was improper to acquire 
untold wealth — and sent them knowing that we did 
not ever have to consider whether such opportuni- 
ties would be temptations toward them ; sent them 
knowing that they had the ideals of the true Ameri- 
can and that, therefore, we did not have to con- 



4io Presidential Addresses 

sider the chance of such a temptation appealing 
to them. 

Taft went to the Philippines to stay there; not 
only forfeiting thereby the certainty of brilliant rise 
in his profession on the bench or at the bar here 
if he had stayed, but at imminent risk to his own 
health ; because he felt that his duty as an American 
made him go; that, as President McKinley told me 
of him, he had been drafted into the service of the 
country and he could not honorably refuse. We 
have seen in consequence the Philippine Islands ad- 
ministered by the American official who is at the 
head of the government and by his colleagues in the 
interest primarily of their people, and seeking to 
obtain for the United States, for the dominant race, 
that spent its blood and its treasure in making firm 
and stable the government of those islands, the re- 
ward that comes from the consciousness of duty well 
done. Under Taft, by and through his efforts, not 
only have peace and material well-being come to 
those islands to a degree never before known in their 
recorded history, and to a degree infinitely greater 
than had ever been dreamed possible by those who 
knew them best, but more than that, a greater meas- 
ure of self-government has been given to them than 
is now given to any other Asiatic people under alien 
rule, than to any other Asiatic people under their 
own rulers, save Japan alone. That is an achieve- 
ment of the past five years which I hold to be abso- 
lutely unparalleled in history; and when the debit and 
credit side of our national life is finally made up a 



And State Papers 4 11 

long stroke shall be put to the credit side for what 
has been done in the Philippines under Taft and his 
associates. 

In the same way Leonard Wood worked in Cuba. 
Put down there to do an absolutely new task, to 
take a people of a different race, a different speech, 
a different creed, a people just emerging from the 
hideous welter of a war, cruel and sanguinary be- 
yond what we in this fortunate country can readily 
conceive, to take a people down in the depths of 
poverty and misery, just recovering from suffer- 
ing which makes one shudder to think of, a peo- 
ple untrained utterly and absolutely in self-gov- 
ernment, and fit them for it; and he did it. For 
three years he worked. He established a school 
system as good as the best that we have in any of 
our States. He cleaned cities which had never been 
cleaned in their existence before. He secured ab- 
solute safety for life and property. He did the kind 
of governmental work which should be the undy- 
ing honor of our people forever. And he came 
home to what? He came home to be thanked by a 
few, to be attacked by others — not to their credit — 
and to have as his real reward the sense that though 
his work had been done at pecuniary sacrifice to 
him, that though the demands upon him had been 
such as to eat into his private means, yet he had 
worthily and well done his duty as an American citi- 
zen and reflected fresh honor upon the uniform of 
the United States Army. 

I have chosen Taft and Wood simply as instances 



4i2 Presidential Addresses 

of what other men by the hundred have done, Amer- 
icans who have graduated from no college, Ameri- 
cans who have graduated from our different colleges, 
and especially by practically all those Americans who 
have graduated from the two great typical Ameri- 
can institutions of learning — West Point and Annap- 
olis. Taft and Wood and their fellows are spend- 
ing or have spent the best years of their prime in do- 
ing a work which means to them pecuniary loss, at 
the best a bare livelihood while they are doing it, 
and are doing it gladly because they realize the truth 
that the highest privilege that can be given to any 
American is the privilege of serving his country, his 
fellow-Americans. As I am speaking to an audience 
with proper ideals, when I say that Taft and Wood 
have done all this service to their pecuniary loss 
I am holding them up not for pity but for ad- 
miration. Every man, every woman here should 
feel it incumbent upon him or her to welcome 
with joy the chance to render service to the coun- 
try, service to our people at large, and to accept the 
rendering of the service as in itself ample repay- 
ment therefor. Do not misunderstand me. The 
average man, the average woman must earn his or 
her living in one way or another, and I most em- 
phatically do not advise any one to decline to do the 
humdrum, every-day duties because there may come 
a chance for the display of heroism. I ask of you 
the straightforward, earnest, performance of duty 
in all the little things that come up day by day 
in business, in domestic life, in every way, and then 



And State Papers 413 

when the opportunity comes, if you have thus done 
your duty in the lesser things, I know you will rise 
level to the heroic needs. 



AT BANQUET OF THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB 
OF SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., MAY 14, 1903 

Mr. Toastmaster, and you, my Fellow-Members of 
the Union League Club: 

No one can too strongly insist upon the elemen- 
tary fact that you can not build the superstruc- 
ture of public virtue save 00 private virtue. The 
sum of the parts is the whole, and if we wish to 
make that whole, the State, the representative and 
exponent and symbol of decency, it must be so made 
through the decency, public and private, of the aver- 
age citizen. 

It is absolutely essential if we are to have the 
proper standard of public life that promise shall be 
square with performance. A lie is no more to be 
excused in politics than out of politics, A promise 
is as binding on the stump as off the stump; and 
there are two facets to that crystal. In the first 
place, the man who makes a promise which he does 
not intend to keep and does not try to keep should 
rightly be adjudged to have forfeited in some degree 
what should be every man's most precious posses- 
sion — his honor. On the other hand, the public 
that exacts a promise which ought not to be kept, 
or which can not be kept, is by just so much for- 
feiting its right to self-government. There is no 



4H Presidential Addresses 

surer way of destroying" the capacity for self-gov- 
ernment in a people than to accustom that people 
to demanding the impossible or the improper from 
its public men. No man fit to be a public man will 
promise either the impossible or the improper; and 
if the demand is made that he shall do so it means 
putting a premium upon the unfit in public life. 
There is the same sound reason for distrusting the 
man who promises too much in public that there is 
for distrusting the man who promises too much in 
private business. 

The one indispensable thing for us to keep is a 
high standard of character for the average American 
citizen. 

AT CARSON CITY, NEVADA, MAY 19, 1903 

Mr. Governor, Mr Mayor, and yon, my Fellow- 
Citizens: 

It has been a great pleasure to be introduced in 
the more than kind words the Governor has used, 
because the Governor has been a genuine pioneer. 

Here in this great Western country, the country 
which is what it is purely because the pioneers who 
came here had iron in their veins, because they were 
able to conquer plain and mountain, and to make the 
wilderness blossom, we are not to be excused if we 
do not see to it that the generation that comes after 
us is trained to have the sum of the fundamental 
qualities which enabled their fathers to succeed. 

I want to say one special word to-day here in Car- 
son City on a subject in which all of our people 



And State Papers 4 r 5 

from the Atlantic to the Pacific take an interest, but 
which affects in especial the people of the States of 
the great plains and mountains and affects no State 
more than it does Nevada — the question of irriga- 
tion. Now, as I say, I do not regard that as in 
any way merely a question of the Rocky Moun- 
tain States, of the great plains States, because 
anything which tends for the well-being of any 
portion of the Union is therefore for the well- 
being of all of it, and it was for that reason 
that I felt warranted in appealing to the people 
of the seaboard States on the Atlantic, to the peo- 
ple of the States of the Great Lakes and the Mis- 
sissippi Valley, to say that it was their duty to help 
in bringing about a scheme of national irrigation, 
because the interest of any part of this country is 
the interest of all of it; and no man is a really 
good American who fails to grasp that fact. 

The National Government is still, as you all well 
know, but as many Easterners do not know, the great- 
est land owner in the Western States, and among all 
those States Nevada holds the great proportion of 
vacant public land, and the need of Nevada for Fed- 
eral assistance was one of the strongest arguments 
used in the discussion which preceded the reclama- 
tion act of June, 1902, the irrigation act of a year 
ago. The great extent of the vacant public lands 
in the State, the fact that its water supply came 
chiefly from streams rising in the adjoining State of 
California, and the overwhelming difficulties which 
for these and other reasons prevented the people of 



4i 6 Presidential Addresses 

Nevada from efficiently acting in their own inter- 
est, made, in my judgment, and, as it proved, in the 
judgment of the Congress, Federal interference ab- 
solutely imperative. It is a matter for the strongest 
congratulation, not only for the West, but for the 
whole Nation, that the policy went into effect. It is 
a matter of special congratulation to Nevada that the 
Secretary of the Interior, guided in his choice wholly 
by actual conditions on the ground, has been led to 
undertake one of the five sets of works which have 
been first undertaken, here in Nevada, particularly 
near Reno on the Truckee River, as one of the na- 
tional projects for the starting and working of the 
methods of the law. Extensive surveys have already 
been made, and the projects for water storage and 
water distribution are at a point which warrants our 
belief that immediate action is in sight. There are 
vast tracts of excellent land still in the ownership of 
the general government here in Nevada and else- 
where to which the reclamation act will bring the 
flood waters that now annually go to waste. For 
Nevada most of these waters originate in the high 
mountains lying in sight of Reno, largely just across 
the State line in California. Some of these moun- 
tains have been included in the forest reserves, and 
your interests and the interests of the irrigators in 
California imperatively demand the extension of the 
forest reserve system so that the source of supply for 
the great reservoirs and irrigation works may be 
safe from fire, from over-grazing, and from destruc- 
tive lumbering. I ask you to pay attention to what 



And State Papers 417 

I say when I use the word destructive lumbering; 
no one can desire to prevent, or do anything but 
help, practical and conservative lumbering. In other 
words, my fellow-citizens, we have reached a con- 
dition in which it must be the object of the Nation 
and the State to favor the development of the home- 
maker, of the man who takes up the land intend- 
ing to keep it for himself and for his children, 
so that it shall be even of better use to them 
than to him. 

The opportunities for the development of Nevada 
are very great. Until recently Nevada was only 
thought of as a mineral and stock-raising State. 
Much can be done yet as regards both the mineral 
exploitation and the raising of stock within the 
State; but now under the stimulus of irrigation it 
is probable that irrigated agriculture will come to 
the front, and when it does the population will in- 
crease with a rapidity and permanence never before 
known. The State of Nevada has led the way not 
only in the strength of its plea for national aid in 
irrigation, but also in its willingness to assist in the. 
work. I wish to lay emphasis on the fact that in 
Nevada the authorities have been anxious in every 
way to help in working out the problem of irri- 
gation; and to pay all acknowledgment to them 
now. The recent Legislature passed laws which in 
many respects should serve as models for the legis- 
lation of other States. The union of land and water 
under the national law has been recognized, and so 
has the fundamental proposition which necessarily 



4i 8 Presidential Addresses 

underlies the prosperity of all communities in which 
irrigated agriculture is the chief industry, namely, 
that the water belongs to the people and can not 
be made a monopoly. The public appreciation of 
this fundamental truth that the water belongs to 
the people to be taken and put to beneficial use will 
wipe out many controversies which are at present so 
harmful to the development of the West. And the 
example of Nevada will be of material aid in bring- 
ing about this fortunate result. 

As I said of the forests so it is even more true of 
the water supply. It should be our constant policy 
by national and by State legislation to see that the 
water is used for the benefit of the occupants of the 
soil, of those who till and use the soil, that it is not 
exploited by any one man or set of men in his or 
their interests as against the interests of those on 
the land who are to use it. It is a fundamental truth 
that the prosperity of any people is simply another 
term for the prosperity of the home-makers among 
that people. Our entire policy in irrigation, in for- 
estry, in handling the public lands, should be in rec- 
ognition of that truth, to favor in every way the 
man who wishes to take up a given area of soil and 
thereon to build a home in which he will rear his 
children as useful citizens of the State. 



And State Papers 4*9 



FROM ADDRESS AT THE LAYING OF THE 
CORNERSTONE OF THE LEWIS AND CLARK 
MEMORIAL, PORTLAND, ORE., MAY 21, 1903 

Mr. Mayor, and you, my Fellow-Citizens: 

We come here to-day to lay a cornerstone of a 
monument that is to call to mind the greatest sin- 
gle pioneering feat on this continent, the voyage 
across the continent by Lewis and Clark, which 
rounded out the ripe statesmanship of Jefferson and 
his fellows by giving to the United States all of the 
domain between the Mississippi and the Pacific. Fol- 
lowing their advent came the reign of the fur trade ; 
and then some sixty years ago those entered in 
whose children and children's children were to pos- 
sess the land. Across the continent in the early 40's 
came the ox-drawn white-topped wagons bearing the 
pioneers, the stalwart, sturdy, sunburned men, with 
their wives and their little ones, who entered into 
this country to possess it. You have built up here 
this wonderful commonwealth, a commonwealth 
great in its past, and infinitely greater in its future. 
It was a pleasure to me to-day to have as part of 
my escort the men of the Second Oregon, who car- 
ried on the expansion of our people beyond the 
Pacific as your fathers had carried it on to the Pa- 
cific. Speaking to you here I do not have to ask 
you to face the future high of heart and confident of 
soul. You could not assume any other attitude and 
be true to your blood, true to the position in which 
you find yourselves on this continent. I speak to 



4'2o Presidential Addresses 

the men of the Pacific Slope, to the men whose pred- 
ecessors gave us this region because they were not 
afraid, because they did not seek the life of ease and 
safety, because their life training was not to shrink 
from obstacles but to meet and overcome them ; and 
now I ask that this Nation go forward as it has gone 
forward in the past; I ask that it shape its life in 
accordance with the highest ideals; I ask that our 
name be a synonym for truthful and fair dealing 
with all the nations of the world; and I ask two 
things in connection with our foreign policy — that 
we never wrong the weak and that we never flinch 
from the strong. Base is the man who inflicts a 
wrong, and base is the man who suffers a wrong to 
be done him. 

We have met to commemorate a mighty pioneer 
feat, a feat of the old days, when men needed to call 
upon every ounce of courage and hardihood and 
manliness they possessed in order to make good our 
claim to this continent. Let us in our turn with 
equal courage, equal hardihood and manliness, carry 
on the task that our forefathers have intrusted to 
our hands ; and let us resolve that we shall leave to 
our children and our children's children an even 
mightier heritage than we received in our turn. 

REMARKS IN ACCEPTING SOUVENIR PRE- 
SENTED BY THE WORKMEN OF THE NAVY 
YARD, BREMERTON, WASH., MAY 23, 1903 

I want to thank you and through you your fel- 
low workmen for this token. I also wish to repeat 



And State Papers 421 

what I have said before, that the victories of Manila 
and Santiago reflect credit not merely upon those 
who fought, but upon every man who did his work 
in preparing the ships for battle. There is not a 
workman in any of our yards who did his duty in 
connection with the guns, the armor plate, the tur- 
rets, the hulls, or anything, who has not his full 
right to a share in the credit of those victories. You 
all did your part in winning them just as much as 
the men who actually fought. Nothing could have 
pleased me more than to have received this gift from 
the men of the yard, and I appreciate it. 

TO THE ARCTIC BROTHERHOOD, SEATTLE, 
WASH., MAY 23, 1903 

Mr. Chairman, and you, Men and Women of Alaska: 
Let me thank you and the members of the Arctic 
Brotherhood for their greeting. I am happy to say 
that during the last year or two the National Legis- 
lature has begun to realize its responsibilities in ref- 
erence to Alaska ; and that even those of our people 
who do not live on the Pacific Slope are beginning 
to understand that in the not distant future Alaska 
will be not merely a regularly organized Territory, 
but a great and populous State. 

Very few European races have exercised a more 
profound influence upon Europe, and none has had 
a more heroic history, than the race occupying the 
Scandinavian peninsula of the Old World. And 
Alaska lies in the same latitude as, and can and 
will in the lifetime of those I am addressing sup- 



422 Presidential Addresses 

port as great a population as, the Scandinavian 
peninsula. It is curious how our fate as a Nation has 
often driven us forward toward greatness in spite 
of the protests of many of those esteeming them- 
selves in point of training and culture best fitted 
to shape the Nation's destiny. In 1803, when we 
acquired the territory stretching from the Mississippi 
to the Pacific, there were plenty of wise men who 
announced that we were acquiring a mere desert, 
that it was a violation of the Constitution to ac- 
quire it, and that the acquisition was fraught with the 
seeds of the dissolution of the Republic. And think 
how absolutely the event has falsified the predic- 
tions of those men. So when in the late 6o's we 
by treaty acquired Alaska, this great territory with 
its infinite possibilities was taken by this Repub- 
lic in spite of the bitter opposition of many men 
who were patriots according to their lights and 
who esteemed themselves far-sighted. And but five 
years ago there were excellent men who bemoaned 
the fact that we were obliged during the war with 
Spain to take possession of the Philippines and to 
show that we were hereafter to be one of the domi- 
nant powers of the Pacific. In every instance how 
the after events of history have falsified the predic- 
tions of the men of little faith! There are critics 
so feeble and so timid that they shrink back when 
this Nation asserts that it comes in the category of 
the nations who dare to be great, and they want to 
know, forsooth, the cost of greatness and what it 
means. We do not know the cost, but we know it 



And State Papers 423 

will be more than repaid ten times over by the 
result ; and what it may ultimately mean we do not 
know, but we know what the present holds, what the 
present need demands, and we take the present and 
hold ourselves ready to abide the result of what- 
ever the future may bring. 

When I speak to you of the Pacific Slope, to you 
of the new Northwest, whose cities are seated here 
by the Sound, I speak to people abounding in their 
youth and their virile manhood, who do not fear to 
grasp opportunity as the opportunity comes, and 
who weigh slight risk but lightly in the balance 
when on the other side of the scale comes the great- 
ness of triumph, the greatness of acquisition. We 
took Alaska thirty-five years ago, and at last we 
have begun to wake up to the heritage that thereby 
we have handed over to our children. I speak to 
you, citizens of Alaska, people who have dwelt there- 
in, to say how much all our people owe to you. Dur- 
ing the last year many wise laws have been put upon 
the statute book in reference to Alaska ; not as many 
as should have been put, but a good many. I ear- 
nestly hope that Congress will speedily provide for a 
delegate from Alaska, so that the people of the Ter- 
ritory may have some recognized exponent whose 
duty it shall be to place its needs before the National 
Legislature. Meanwhile, with the assistance of the 
Senators and Representatives in Congress from this 
section of the country, I shall do all that in me lies 
to see that the proper kinds of legislation are en- 
acted for the Territory. 



424 Presidential Addresses 

The immediate cause of the great development of 
Alaska of course is to be found in its mines; but 
most of the people of this country are wholly in 
error when they think of the mines as being the 
sole or even the chief permanent cause of Alaska's 
future greatness. Alaska has great possibilities of 
agricultural and pastoral development. Not only her 
mines, her fisheries, her forests, but her agriculture 
and her stock-raising will combine to make Alaska 
one of the great wealth-producing portions of our 
Republic. I am anxious that our laws should be 
framed in the interest of those who intend to go 
there and stay there and bring up their children 
there and make it in very fact as well as in name an 
integral part of this Republic. I ask your help and 
pledge you my help in the effort to secure such leg- 
islation. In the case of the mine you get the metal 
out of the earth, you can not leave any metal in 
there to produce other metal ; but in the case of the 
salmon fishery, if you are wise you will insist upon 
its being carried on under conditions which will 
make the salmon fishery as valuable in that river 
thirty years hence as now. Do not take all the sal- 
mon out and go away and leave the empty river for 
your children and children's children; take it out 
under conditions — the conditions are ready to be 
created for you by the National Fish Commission, 
which has been so singularly successful in its work 
— which will secure the preservation of that river as 
a salmon river, which will secure the perpetuation 
of salmon canneries along its banks, so that it will 



And State Papers 4 2 5 

be not an industry carried on only by Orientals in 
the employ of three or four alien capitalists, but 
carried on in such a way as to be a perpetual source 
of income to the actual settlers resident in the lo- 
cality. Just in the same way I want to have you see 
that the lumber industry is exploited in a way which, 
while giving a great return to those engaged in it 
at the moment, shall also secure the preserva- 
tion of the forests for the settlers and the settlers' 
children that are to come in and inherit the land. 
I wish to see such land laws enacted and to see them 
so administered as to be in the interest of the actual 
settler who goes to Alaska to live, who desires there 
to produce crops, to raise stock, to make a home for 
himself; subject to that condition I desire to see leg- 
islation shaped in the spirit of the broadest liber- 
ality that will secure the quickest possible develop- 
ment of the resources of Alaska ; and with that aim 
in view to have all the encouragement possible given 
to those seeking to establish by steamship line and 
by railway quick and efficient transportation facili- 
ties in the Territory. 

Few things have been more typical of our people 
and have been more full of promise for the future 
than the way in which the resources have been de- 
veloped ; and when one sees what has been done here 
during the last few years I think we have cause to 
feel abundantly justified in our belief that the quali- 
ties of the old-time pioneers who first penetrated 
the woody wilderness between the Alleghanies and 
the Mississippi, who then steered their way across 

2— Vol. XIV 



426 Presidential Addresses 

vast seas of grass from the Mississippi to the 
Rockies, who penetrated the passes of the great bar- 
ren mountains until they came to this, the greatest 
of all the oceans, still survive in their grandsons and 
successors. Nor must we forget in speaking of 
Alaska the immense importance that the Territory 
has from the standpoint of the needs of the Nation 
as a whole, as a dominant power in the Pacific. Ex- 
actly as with the building of the Isthmian Canal we 
shall make our Atlantic and our Pacific coasts in ef- 
fect continuous, so the possession and peopling of 
the Alaskan seacoast puts us in a position of domi- 
nance as regards the Pacific which no other nations 
share or can share. 

FROM ADDRESS AT EVERETT, WASH., 
MAY 23, 1903 

There are few problems which so especially con- 
cern Washington, Oregon, and California as the 
problem of forestry. Nothing has been of better 
augury for the welfare and prosperity of these great 
States as well as for the other forest States than the 
way in which those actively engaged in the lumber- 
ing business have come of recent years to work hand 
in hand with those who have made forestry a study 
in the effort to preserve the forests. The whole 
question is a business, an economic question; an 
economic question for the Nation, a business ques- 
tion for the individual. East of your great mountain 
chains the question of water supply becomes vital 
and becomes inseparable from that of forestry. 



And State Papers 427 

Here that question does not enter in. The lumber- 
ing interest is the fourth great business interest in 
point of importance in the United States. There is 
engaged in it a capital of over six hundred millions 
of dollars, and every year the wage-workers in that 
industry receive one hundred millions of dollars. 
Such an industry so vitally connected with many 
others in the country can not with wisdom be neg- 
lected, the interests depending upon it are too vast. 
I do not have to say here in Washington that fire is 
a great enemy of the forests. Here in Washington 
it is probable that fire has destroyed more than the 
axe during the decade in which the axe has been at 
work. 

Our aim should be to get the fullest use from 
the forest to-day, and yet to get that benefit in ways 
which will keep the forests for our children in the 
generations to come : so that, for instance, the coun- 
try adjoining Puget Sound shall have the lumber- 
ing industry as a permanent industry. Recently 
the trade journals of that industry have been dwell- 
ing upon the fact that its very existence is actually 
at stake, and nowhere in the whole country can the 
question of forestry be handled better than in this 
region, because nowhere else is it so easy to produce 
a second crop. You are fortunate in having such 
climatic conditions, such conditions of soil, that here 
more than anywhere else the forest renews itself 
quickly, so as in a comparatively short number of 
years to be again a great mercantile and industrial 
asset. The preservation of our forests depends 



428 Presidential Addresses 

chiefly upon the wisdom with which the practical 
lumberman, the practical expert in dealing with the 
lumber industry, works with the men who have 
studied forestry under all conditions. I am glad in- 
deed that such co-operation is more and more being 
accepted as a matter of course by both sides. 

FROM ADDRESS AT SEATTLE, WASH., 
MAY 23, 1903 

There is no other body of water in the world 
which confers upon the commonwealth possess- 
ing it quite the natural advantages that Puget 
Sound confers upon your State. There is no other 
State in the Union, and I include all of them, which 
has greater natural advantages and a more assured 
future of greatness than this State of Washington. 
Phenomenal though your growth has been, it has 
barely begun; and your growth in the half century 
now opening will dwarf absolutely even your growth 
in the immediate past. 

I am speaking in the gateway to Alaska. All our 
people, even those from the locality whence I come, 
are beginning to appreciate a little of Alaska's fu- 
ture. The men of my own age whom I am address- 
ing will not be old men before we see Alaska one of 
the rich and strong States of the Union. I thank 
fortune that the National Legislature has begun to 
wake up to the fact that Alaska has interests of vital 
importance not merely to her but to the entire 
Union. Alaska contains a territory which will with- 
in this century support as large a population as the 



And State Papers 429 

combined Scandinavian countries of Europe; those 
countries from which has sprung as wonderful a 
race as ever imprinted its characteristics upon the 
history of civilization. Exactly as the Scandinavian 
peoples have left their mark upon the entire history 
of Europe, so we shall see Alaska with its mines, its 
lumber, its fisheries, with its possibilities in agri- 
culture and stock-raising, with its possibilities of 
commercial command, with the tremendous develop- 
ment that is going on within it even now, produce as 
hardy and vigorous a people as any portion of 
North America. 

AT SPOKANE, WASH., MAY 26, 1903 

Senator Turner, and you, my Fellow- Americans: 

I am in a city at the eastern gateway of this State 
with the great railroad systems of the State running 
through it. On the western edge of this State in 
Puget Sound I have seen the homing places of the 
great steamship lines, which, in connection with 
these great railroads, are doing so much to develop 
the Oriental trade of this country and this State. 
Washington will owe no small part of its future 
greatness, and that greatness will be great indeed, 
to the fact that it is thus doing its share in acquiring 
for the United States the dominance of the Pacific. 
Those railroads, the men and the corporations that 
have built them, have rendered a very great service 
to the community. The men who are building, the 
corporations which are building the great steamship 



43° Presidential Addresses 

lines have likewise rendered a very great service to 
the community. Every man who has made wealth 
or used it in developing great legitimate business 
enterprises has been of benefit and not harm to the 
country at large. This city has grown by leaps and 
bounds only when the railroads came to it, when the 
railroads came to the State ; and if the State were 
now cut off from its connection by rail and by steam- 
ship with the rest of the world its position would 
of course diminish incalculably. Great good has 
come from the development of our railroad system ; 
great good has been done by the individuals and cor- 
porations that have made that development possible ; 
and in return good is done to them, and not harm, 
when they are required to obey the law. Ours is 
a government of liberty by, through and under the 
law. No man is above it and no man is below it. 
The crime of cunning, the crime of greed, the crime 
of violence, are all equally crimes, and against them 
all alike the law must set its face. This is not and 
never shall be a government either of a plutocracy 
or of a mob. It is, it has been, and it will be, a gov- 
ernment of the people ; including alike the people of 
great wealth and of moderate wealth, the people who 
employ others, the people who are employed, the 
wage-worker, the lawyer, the mechanic, the banker, 
the farmer; including them all, protecting each and 
every one if he acts decently and squarely, and dis- 
criminating against any one of them, no matter from 
what class he comes, if he does not act squarely and 
fairly, if he does not obey the law. While all peo- 



And State Papers 43 l 

pie are foolish if they violate or rail against the law 
— wicked as well as foolish, but all foolish — yet the 
most foolish man in this Republic is the man of 
wealth who complains because the law is adminis- 
tered with impartial justice against or for him. His 
folly is greater than the folly of any other man who 
so complains ; for he lives and moves and has his 
being because the law does in fact protect him and 
his property. 

We have the right to ask every decent American 
citizen to rally to the support of the law if it is ever 
broken against the interest of the rich man; and 
we have the same right to ask that rich man cheer- 
fully and gladly to acquiesce in the enforcement 
against his seeming interest of the law, if it is the 
law. Incidentally, whether he acquiesces or not, the 
law will be enforced, and this whoever he may be, 
great or small, and at whichever end of the social 
scale he may be. 

I ask that we see to it in our country that the line 
of division in the deeper matters of our citizenship 
be drawn, never between section and section, never 
between creed and creed, never, thrice never, be- 
tween class and class ; but that the line be drawn on 
the line of conduct, cutting through sections, cut- 
ting through creeds, cutting through classes ; the 
line that divides the honest from the dishonest, the 
line that divides good citizenship from bad citizen- 
ship, the line that declares a man a good citizen only 
if, and always if, he acts in accordance with the 
immutable law of righteousness, which has been the 



43 2 



Presidential Addresses 



same from the beginning of history to the present 
moment, and which will be the same from now until 
the end of recorded time. 

FROM ADDRESS AT COLUMBIA GARDENS, 
BUTTE, MONT., MAY 27, 1903 

Mr. Chairman, and you, my Fellow-Citizens: 

It would have been a great pleasure to come to 
Butte in any event; it is a double pleasure to come 
here at the invitation of the representatives of the 
wage- workers of Butte. I do not say merely work- 
ingmen, because I hold that every good American 
who does his duty must be a workingman. There 
are many different kinds of work to do ; but so long 
as the work is honorable, is necessary, and is well 
done the man who does it well is entitled to the 
respect of his fellows. 

I have come here to this meeting especially as 
the invited guest of the wage-workers, and I am 
happy to be able to say that the kind of speech I 
will make to you, I would make just in exactly 
the same language to any group of employers or 
any set of our citizens in any corner of this Repub- 
lic. I do not think so far as I know that I have 
ever promised beforehand anything I did not make 
a strong effort to make good afterward. It is some- 
times very attractive and very pleasant to make 
any kind of a promise without thinking whether 
or not you can fulfil it; but in the after event it is 
always unpleasant when the time for fulfilling 
comes ; for in the long run the most disagreeable 



And State Papers 433 

truth is a safer companion than the most pleasant 
falsehood. 

To-night I have come hither looking on either 
hand at the results of the enterprises which have 
made Butte so great. The man who by the use of 
his capital develops a great mine, the man who by 
the use of his capital builds a great railroad, the 
man who by the use of his capital either individually 
or joined with others like him does any great legit- 
imate business enterprise, confers a benefit, not a 
harm, upon the community, and is entitled to be 
so regarded. He is entitled to the protection of 
the law, and in return he is to be required himself 
to obey the law. The law is no respecter of per- 
sons. The law is to be administered neither for 
the rich man as such, nor for the poor man as such. 
It is to be administered for every man, rich or poor, 
if he is an honest and law-abiding citizen; and it 
is to be invoked against any man, rich or poor, who 
violates it, without regard to which end of the social 
scale he may stand at, without regard to whether his 
offence takes the form of greed and cunning, or 
the form of physical violence; in either case if he 
violates the law, the law is to be invoked against 
him ; and in so invoking it I have the right to chal- 
lenge the support of all good citizens and to demand 
the acquiescence of every good man. I hope I will 
have it ; but once for all I wish it understood that 
even if I do not have it I shall enforce the law. 

The soldiers who fought in the great Civil War 
fought for liberty under, by, and through the law; 



434 Presidential Addresses 

and they fought to put a stop once for all to any 
effort to sunder this country on the lines of sec- 
tional hatred; therefore their memory shall be for- 
ever precious to our people. We need to keep ever 
in mind that he is the worst enemy of this country 
who would strive to separate its people along the 
lines of section against section, of creed against 
creed, or of class against class. There are two sides 
to that. It is a base and an infamous thing for the 
man of means to act in a spirit of arrogant and 
brutal disregard of right toward his fellow who has 
less means; and it is no less infamous, no less base, 
to act in a spirit of rancor, envy, and hatred against 
the man of greater means, merely because of his 
greater means. If we are to preserve this Republic 
as it was founded, as it was handed down to us 
by the men of '61 to '65, and as it is and will be, 
we must draw the line never between section and 
section, never between creed and creed, thrice never 
between class and class; but along the line of con- 
duct, the line that separates the good citizen wherever 
he may be found from the bad citizen wherever he 
may be found. This is not and never shall be a gov- 
ernment of a plutocracy ; it is not and never shall be a 
government by a mob. It is as it has been and as it 
will be, a government in which every honest man, 
every decent man, be he employer or employed, wage- 
worker, mechanic, banker, lawyer, farmer, be he 
who he may, if he acts squarely and fairly, if he 
does his duty by his neighbor and the State, re- 
ceives the full protection of the law and is given 



And State Papers 435 

the amplest chance to exercise the ability that there 
is within him, alone or in combination with his 
fellows as he desires. My friends, it is sometimes 
easier to preach a doctrine under which the mil- 
lennium will be promised off-hand if you have a par- 
ticular kind of law, or follow a particular kind of 
conduct — it is easier, but it is. not better. The mil- 
lennium is not here; it is some thousand years off 
yet. Meanwhile there must be a good deal of work 
and struggle, a good deal of injustice; we shall 
often see the tower of Siloam fall on the just as 
well as the unjust. We are bound in honor to try 
to remedy injustice, but if we are wise we will 
seek to remedy it in practical ways. Above all, re- 
member this : that the most unsafe adviser to fol- 
low is the man who would advise us to do wrong 
in order that we may benefit by it. That man is 
never a safe man to follow; he is always the most 
dangerous of guides. The man who seeks to per- 
suade any of us that our advantage comes in wrong- 
ing or oppressing others can be depended upon, if 
the opportunity comes, to do wrong to us in his 
own interest, just as he has endeavored to make us 
in our supposed interest do wrong to others. 

AT THE TABERNACLE. SALT LAKE CITY, 
UTAH, MAY 29. 1903 

Mr. Governor, Mr. Mayor, Senator Kearns, and 

you, my F cllozv- Americans : 

I am particularly glad to have the chance to 
speak to you here in this city, in Utah, this morning, 



436 Presidential Addresses 

because you have exemplified a doctrine which it 
seems to me all-essential for our people ever to 
keep fresh in their minds — the fact that though nat- 
ural resources can do a good deal, though the law 
can do a good deal, the fundamental requisite in 
building up prosperity and civilization is the requi- 
site of individual character in the individual man 
or woman. Here in this State the pioneers and 
those who came after them took not the land that 
would ordinarily be chosen as land that would yield 
return with little effort. You took territory which 
at the outset was called after the desert, and you 
literally — not figuratively — you literally made the 
wilderness blossom as the rose. The fundamental 
element in building up Utah has been the work of 
the citizens of Utah. And you did it because your 
people entered in to possess the land and to leave 
it after them to their children and their children's 
children. You here whom I am addressing and 
your predecessors did not come in to exploit the 
land and then go somewhere else. You came in, 
as the Governor has said, as homemakers, to make 
homes for yourselves and those who should come 
after you; and that is the only way in which a 
State can be built up, in which the Nation can be 
built up. You have built up this great community 
because you came here with the purpose of making 
this your abiding home, and of leaving to your 
children not an impoverished, but an enriched herit- 
age; and I ask that all our people from one ocean 
to the other, but especially the people of the arid 



And State Papers 437 

and the semi-arid regions, the people of the great 
plains, the people of the mountains, approach the 
problem of taking care of the physical resources of 
the country in the spirit which has made Utah what 
it is. You have developed your metal wealth won- 
derfully; and your growth is not a boom growth — 
it is a thoroughly healthy; normal growth. During 
the past decade the population has doubled and the 
wealth quadrupled ; and labor is employed at as high 
a compensation as is paid elsewhere in the world. 
Although you are not essentially a mining State, 
in the last year you marketed thirty millions' worth 
of ore; and again you showed your good sense in 
the way you handled it; for you paid five millions 
in dividends and you invested the balance in labor 
and surplus. The effort to make a big showing in 
dividends is not always healthy for the future. 
Here you have shown your wonderful capacity to 
develop the earth so as to make both irrigated agri- 
culture and stock-raising in all its forms two great 
industries. When you deal with a mine you take 
the ore out of the earth and take it away, and in 
the end exhaust the mine. The time may be very 
long in coming before it is exhausted, or it may be 
a short time; but in any event, mining means the 
exhaustion of the mine. But that is exactly what 
agriculture does not and must not mean. 

So far from agriculture properly exhausting the 
land, it is always the sign of a vicious system of 
agriculture if the land is rendered poorer by it. 
The direct contrary should be the fact. After the 



43 8 Presidential Addresses 

farmer has had the farm for his life he should be 
able to hand it to his children as a better farm than 
it was when he had it. 

In these regions, in the Rocky Mountain regions, 
it is especially incumbent upon us to treat the ques- 
tion of the natural pasturage, the question of the 
forests, and the question of the use of the waters, all 
from the one standpoint — the standpoint of the far- 
seeing statesman, of the far-seeing citizen, who 
wishes to preserve and not to exhaust the resources 
of the country, who wishes to see those resources 
come into the hands not of a few men of great 
wealth, least of all into the hands of a few men 
who will speculate in them ; but be distributed 
among many men, each of whom intends to make 
his home in the land. 

This whole so-called arid and semi-arid region 
is by nature the stock range of the Nation. One 
of the questions which are rising to confront us is 
how this range may be made to produce the great- 
est number and best quality of horses, cattle, and 
sheep, not only this year, not only next year, but 
for this generation and the next generation. The 
old system of grazing the ranges so closely as to 
injure the whole crop of grass was a serious detri- 
ment to the development of the West, a serious detri- 
ment to the development of our people. The ranges 
must be treated as a great invested capital ; and that 
old system tended to dissipate and partially to de- 
stroy that capital. That is something that we can 
not as a Nation of home makers permit. The wise 



And State Papers 439 

man, the wise industry, the wise nation, maintains 
such capital unimpaired and tries to increase it; 
and more and more the range lands will be used 
in conjunction with the small irrigable areas which 
they include; so that the industry can take on a 
more stable character than ever before. It is im- 
possible permanently, although it may be advisable 
for the time being, to move stock in a body from 
summer to winter ranges across country which can 
be made into homesteads, because when the country 
can itself be taken by actual settlers, in the long 
run it will only be possible to move the stock through 
hundreds of miles of dusty lanes where they can 
not graze, where they can not live. Our aim must 
be steadily to help develop the settler, the man who 
lives in the land and in growing up with it and 
raising his children to own it after him. More 
and more hereafter the stock owners will have the 
necessity forced upon them of providing green 
'summer pasturage within the limits of their own 
ranges; and so the question of irrigation is well- 
nigh as important to the stockmen as to the agri- 
culturist proper. 

In the same way our mountain forests must be 
preserved from the harm done by over-grazing. 
Let all the grazing be done in them that can be done 
without injury to them, but do not let the moun- 
tain forests be despoiled by the man who will over- 
graze them and destroy them for the sake of three 
years' use, and then go somewhere else, and leave 
by so much diminished the heritage of those who 



44° Presidential Addresses 

remain permanently in the land. I believe that 
already the movement has begun which will make 
in the long run the stock-raisers, — of whom I have 
been one myself, whose business I know, and with 
whom I feel the heartiest sympathy, — through the 
enlightenment of their own self-interest, become the 
heartiest defenders and the chief beneficiaries of 
the wise and moderate use of forest ranges, both 
within and without the forest reserves. It is and 
it must be the definite policy of this government 
to consider the good of all its citizens — stockmen, 
lumbermen, irrigators, and all others — in dealing 
with the forest reserves; and for that reason I most 
earnestly desire in every way to bring about the 
heartiest co-operation between the men who are 
doing the actual business of stock-raising, the actual 
business of irrigated agriculture, the actual business 
of lumbering, — the closest and most intimate rela- 
tions, the heartiest co-operation between them and 
the government at Washington through the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture. Of course I do not have to 
say to any audience of intelligent people that noth- 
ing is such an enemy to the stock industry as per- 
sistent over-grazing. We shall have not far hence 
to raise the problem of the best method of making 
use of the public range. Our people have not as 
yet settled in their own minds what is that best 
method. In some way there will have to be formed 
such regulation as shall without undue restriction 
prevent the needless over-grazing, while keeping 
the public lands open to settlement through home- 



And State Papers 441 

stead entry. Such a policy would, of course, be 
of the most far-reaching benefit to the whole range 
industry. It is the same in dealing with our forest 
reserves. Almost every industry depends in some 
more or less vital way upon the preservation of the 
forests ; and while citizens die, the government and 
the nation do not die, and we are bound in dealing 
with the forests to exercise the foresight necessary to 
use them now, but to use them in such a way as will 
also keep them for those who are to come after us. 
The first great object of the forest reserves is, 
of course, the first great object of the whole land 
policy of the United States, — the creation of homes, 
the favoring of the home-maker. That is why we 
wish to provide for the home-makers of the present 
and the future the steady and continuous supply 
of timber, grass, and above all, of water. That is 
the object of the forest reserves, and that is why 
I bespeak your cordial co-operation in their preser- 
vation. Remember you must realize, what I thor- 
oughly realize, that however wise a policy may be 
it can be enforced only if the people of the States 
believe in it. We can enforce the provisions of the 
forest reserve law or of any other law only so far 
as the best sentiment of the community or the State 
will permit that enforcement. Therefore it lies 
primarily not with the people at Washington, but 
with you, yourselves, to see that such policies are 
supported as will redound to the benefit of the home 
makers and therefore the sure and steady building 
up of the State as a whole. 



44 2 Presidential Addresses 

One word as to the greatest question with which 
our people as a whole have to deal in the mat- 
ter of internal development to-day — the question 
of irrigation. Not of recent years has any more 
important law been put upon the statute books of 
the Federal Government than the law a year ago 
providing for the first time that the National Gov- 
ernment should interest itself in aiding and building 
up a system of irrigated agriculture in the Rocky 
Mountains and plains States. Here the govern- 
ment had to a large degree to sit at the feet of 
Gamaliel in the person of Utah; for what you had 
done and learned was of literally incalculable bene- 
fit to those engaged in framing and getting through 
the national irrigation law. Irrigation was first 
practiced on a large scale in this State. The neces- 
sity of the pioneers here led to the development of 
irrigation to a degree absolutely unknown before 
on this continent. In no respect is the wisdom of 
the early pioneers made more evident than in the 
sedulous care they took to provide for small farms, 
carefully tilled by those who lived on and benefited 
from them ; and hence it comes about that the aver- 
age amount of land required to support a family 
in Utah is smaller than in any other part of the 
United States. We all know that when you once 
get irrigation applied rain is a very poor substitute 
for it. The Federal Government must co-operate 
with Utah and Utah people for a further extension 
of the irrigated area. Many of the simpler prob- 
lems of obtaining and applying water have already 



And State Papers 443 

been solved and so well solved that, as I have said, 
some of the most important provisions of the Fed- 
eral act, such as the control of the irrigating works 
by the communities they serve, such as making the 
water appurtenant to the land and not a source 
of speculation apart from the land, were based upon 
the experience of Utah. Of course the control of 
the larger streams which flow through more than 
one State must come under the Federal Government. 
Many of the great tracts which will ultimately so 
enlarge the cultivated area of Utah, which will ul- 
timately so increase its population and wealth, are 
surrounded with intricate complications because of 
the high development which irrigation has already 
reached in this State. Necessarily the Federal offi- 
cers charged with the execution of the law must 
proceed with great caution so as not to disturb pres- 
ent vested rights; but subject to that, they will go 
forward as fast as they can. They realize, and all 
men who have actually done irrigating here will 
realize, that no man is more timid than the prac- 
tical irrigator regarding any change in the water 
distribution. He wants to look well before he 
leaps. He has learned from bitter experience what 
damage can come from well meant changes hastily 
made. The government can do a good deal; the 
government will do a good deal ; but your experience 
here in Utah has shown that the greatest results 
which are accomplishing most spring directly from 
the sturdy courage, the self-denial, the willingness 
with iron resolution to endure the risk and the suf- 



444 Presidential Addresses 

fering, of the pioneers; for they were the men who 
sought and found a livelihood in what was once a 
desert, and they must be protected in the legitimate 
fruits of their toil. 

One of the tasks that the government must do 
here in Utah is to build reservoirs for the storage 
of the flood waters, to undertake works too great 
to be undertaken by private capital. Great as the 
task is, and great as its benefits will become, the 
government must do still more. Besides the storage 
of the water there must be protection of the water- 
sheds; and that is why I ask you to help the Na- 
tional Government protect the watersheds by pro- 
tecting the forests upon them. 

AT FREEPORT, ILL., JUNE 3, 1903 

Congressman Hitt, and yon, my Fellow-Country- 
men : 

Here where we meet to-day there occurred one 
of those memorable scenes in accordance with which 
the whole future history of nations is molded. Here 
were spoken winged words that flew through im- 
mediate time and that will fly through that por- 
tion of eternity recorded in the history of our race. 
Here was sounded the keynote of the struggle which 
after convulsing the Nation, made it in fact what 
it had only been in name, — at once united and free. 
It is eminently fitting that this monument, given by 
the women of this city in commemoration of the 
great debate that here took place, should be dedi- 



And State Papers 445 

cated by the men whose deeds made good the words 
of Abraham Lincoln — the soldiers of the Civil War. 
The word was mighty. Had it not been for the 
word the deeds could not have taken place; but 
without the deeds the word would have been the 
idlest breath. It is forever to the honor of our 
nation that we brought forth the statesman who, 
with far-sighted vision, could pierce the clouds that 
obscured the sight of the keenest of his fellows, 
could see what the future inevitably held; and 
moreover that we had back of the statesman and 
behind him the men to whom it was given to fight 
in the greatest war ever waged for the good of 
mankind, for the betterment of the world. 

I have literally but a moment here. I could not 
resist the chance that was offered me to stop and 
dedicate this monument, for great though we now 
regard Abraham Lincoln, my countrymen, the future 
will put him on an even higher pinnacle than we 
have put him. In all history I do not believe that 
there is to be found an orator whose speeches will 
last as enduringly as certain of the speeches of Lin- 
coln; and in all history, with the sole exception of 
the man who founded this Republic, I do not think 
there will be found another statesman at once so 
great and so single-hearted in his devotion to the 
weal of his people. We can not too highly honor 
him; and the highest way in which we can honor 
him is to see that our homage is not only homage 
of words; that to lip loyalty we join the loyalty 
of the heart ; that we pay honor to the memory of 



446 Presidential Addresses 

Abraham Lincoln by so conducting ourselves, by 
so carrying ourselves as citizens of this Republic, 
that we shall hand on undiminished to our children 
and our children's children the heritage we received 
from the men who upheld the statesmanship of 
Lincoln in the council, who made good the soldier- 
ship of Grant in the field. 

AT THE LINCOLN MONUMENT, SPRINGFIELD, 
ILL., JUNE 4, 1903 

It is a good thing that the guard around the 
tomb of Lincoln should be composed of colored sol- 
diers. It was my own good fortune at Santiago 
to serve beside colored troops. A man who is good 
enough to shed his blood for the country is good 
enough to be given a square deal afterward. More 
than that no man is entitled to, and less than that 
no man shall have. 

AT THE CONSECRATION OF GRACE MEMO- 
RIAL REFORMED CHURCH, WASHINGTON, 
D. C, JUNE 7, 1903 

I shall ask your attention to three lines of the 
Dedication Canticle: "Serve the Lord with glad- 
ness: enter into His gates with thanksgiving, and 
into His courts with praise. Who shall ascend into 
the hill of the Lord ? or who shall stand in His holy 
place? He that hath clean hands, and a pure heart; 
who hath not lifted up his soul with vanity, nor 
sworn deceitfully." 

Better lines could surely not be brought into any 



And State Papers 447 

dedication service of a church; and it is a happy 
thing that we should have repeated them this morn- 
ing. This church is consecrated to the service of 
the Lord ; and we can serve Him by the way we 
serve our fellow-men. This church is consecrated 
to service and duty. It was written of old that "by 
their fruits ye shall know them" ; and we can show 
the faith that is in us, we can show the sincerity of 
our devotion, by the fruits we bring forth. The man 
who_ is not a tender and considerate husband, a 
loving and wise father, is not serving the Lord 
when he goes to church ; so with the woman ; so 
with all who come here. Our being in this church, 
our communion here with one another, our sitting 
under the pastor and hearing from him the word 
of God, must, if we are sincere, show their effects 
in our lives outside. 

We of the Dutch and German Reformed Churches, 
like our brethren of the Lutheran Church, have a 
peculiar duty to perform in this great country of 
ours, a country still in the making, for we have 
the duty peculiarly incumbent upon us to take care 
of our brethren who come each year from over seas 
to our shores. The man going to a new country 
is torn by the roots from all his old associations, 
and there is great danger to him in the time before 
he gets his roots down into the new country, before 
he brings himself into touch with his fellows in the 
new land. For that reason I always take a peculiar 
interest in the attitude of our churches toward 
the immigrants who come to these shores. I feel 



448 Presidential Addresses 

that we should be peculiarly watchful over them, 
because of our own history, because we or our 
fathers came here under like conditions. Now 
that we have established ourselves let us see to 
it that we stretch out the hand of help, the hand of 
brotherhood, toward the new-comers, and help them 
as speedily as possible to get into such relations that 
it will be easy for them to walk well in the new life. 
We are not to be excused if we selfishly sit down 
and enjoy gifts that have been given to us and do 
not try to share them with our poorer fellows com- 
ing from every part of the world, who many of 
them stand in such need of the helping hand; who 
often not only meet too many people anxious to 
associate with them for their detriment, but often 
too few anxious to associate with them for their 
good. 

I trust that with the consecration of each new 
church of the Reformed creed in this our country 
there will be established a fresh centre of effort to 
get at and to help for their good the people that 
yearly come from over seas to us. No more im- 
portant work can be done by our people; important 
to the cause of Christianity, important to the cause 
of true national life and greatness here in our own 
land. 

Another thing: let us so far as strength is given 
us make it evident to those who look on and who 
are not of us that our faith is not one of words 
merely; that it finds expression in deeds. One sad, 
one lamentable phase of human history is that the 



And State Papers 449 

very loftiest words, implying the loftiest ideas, have 
often been used as cloaks for the commission of 
dreadful deeds of iniquity. No more hideous 
crimes have ever been committed by men than those 
that have been committed in the name of liberty, 
of order, of brotherhood, of religion. People have 
butchered one another under circumstances of dread- 
ful atrocity, claiming all the time to be serving the 
object of the brotherhood of man or of the father- 
hood of God. We must in our lives, in our efforts, 
endeavor to further the cause of brotherhood in 
the human family ; and we must do it in such a way 
that the men anxious to find subject for complaint 
or derision in the churches of the United States, in 
our church, may not be able to find it by pointing 
out any contrast between our professions and our 
lives. 

This church is consecrated to-day to duty and 
to service, to the worship of the Creator, and to 
an earnest effort on our part so to shape our lives 
among ourselves and in relation to the outside world 
that we may feel that we have done our part in 
bringing a little nearer the day when there shall 
be on this earth a genuine brotherhood of man. 

AT THE SAENGERFEST. BALTIMORE, MD., 
JUNE 15, 1903 

My Fellow-Citizens: 

Let me in the first place congratulate the city 
of Baltimore upon what she has done and upon the 
way she has done it; and then let me welcome the 

3— Vol. 'XIV 



45° Presidential Addresses 

members of the Saengerfest Association and all the 
guests of Baltimore this evening. Since the begin- 
ning of our country's history many different race 
strains have entered to make up the composite 
American. Out of and from each we have gained 
something for our national character ; to each we 
owe something special for what it has contributed 
to us as a people. 

It is almost exactly two hundred and twenty 
years ago that the first marked immigration from 
Germany to what were then the colonies in this 
Western Hemisphere began. As is inevitable with 
any pioneers those pioneers of the German race on 
this side of the ocean had to encounter bitter priva- 
tion, had to struggle against want in many forms; 
had to meet and overcome hardship; for the people 
that go forth to seek their well-being in strange 
lands must inevitably be ready to pay as the price 
of success the expenditure of all that there is in 
them to overcome the obstacles in their way. It 
was some fifty years later that the great tide of 
German immigration in colonial times began to flow 
hither; one of the leaders in it being Muhlenburg, 
the founder of a family which has contributed to 
military and civil life some of the worthiest figures 
in American history. The first of the famous 
speakers of the House of Representatives was 
Muhlenburg, of German ancestry. 

Baltimore is a centre in that region of our land 
where from the earliest days there was that inter- 
mingling of ethnic strains which finally went to 



And State Papers 151 

the making of the Americans who in '76 made this 
country a nation. Within the boundaries of this 
State was founded that colony which first of all 
on this western continent saw a government mod- 
eled upon these principles of religious freedom and 
toleration which we now regard as the birthrights 
of American citizens. 

Throughout our career of development the Ger- 
man immigration to this country went steadily on- 
ward, and they who came here, and their sons and 
grandsons, played an ever-increasing part in the 
history of our people — a part that culminated in 
the Civil War; for every lover of the Union must 
ever bear in mind what was done in this common- 
wealth as in the commonwealth of Missouri, by the 
folk of German birth or origin who served so loy- 
ally the flag that was theirs by inheritance or adop- 
tion. 

And here in this city I would be unwilling to let 
an occasion like this pass without recalling the part 
of incalculable importance played by the members 
of the Turn Verein of Baltimore in saving Balti- 
more to the Union. In congratulating every man 
here to whom it was given to fight in the great 
Civil War, in congratulating the men of Baltimore 
who in these dark days followed the lead of Sigel, 
Rapp, and Blumenberg in playing well and nobly 
their part in upholding the hands of Abraham Lin- 
coln, I congratulate them thrice over because it was 
given to them to fight in a contest where the victors 
and the vanquished alike have bequeathed to us as 



452 Presidential Addresses 

a heritage the memory of the valor and the loyalty 
to the right as to each it was given to see the right, 
shown alike by the men who wore the blue and the 
men who wore the gray, in the great clays of the 
Civil War. Terrible though that contest was, in 
which with blood and tears and sweat, with the suf- 
fering of men and the sorrow of women, the gen- 
eration of Lincoln and Grant purchased for us 
peace and union, it paid for itself over and over 
again by what it left to us — not merely a reunited 
land, not merely a land in which freedom was a 
fact instead of only a boast, but above all the right 
as Americans to feel within us the lift toward lofty 
things which must come to those who know that 
their fathers and forefathers have in the supreme 
crisis entirely shown themselves fit to rank among 
the men of all time. 

I want to say just one thing more. I feel that 
the men of this Association and of kindred associa- 
tions are not only adding to the common fund of 
pleasure, but are doing genuine missionary work 
of a needed kind when they hold such a festival 
as this. I wish that everywhere in our country we 
could see clubs and associations including all our 
citizens, similar in character to that Society which 
has furnished the reason for the assembling of this 
great audience to-night. No greater contribution 
to American social life could possibly be made than 
by instilling into it the capacity for Gemuthlichkeit. 
No greater good can come to our people than to 
encourage in them a capacity for enjoyment which 



And State Papers 453 

shall discriminate sharply between what is vicious 
and what is pleasant. Nothing can add more to 
our capacity for healthy social enjoyment than, by 
force of example no less than by precept, to en- 
courage the formation of societies which by their 
cultivation of music, vocal and instrumental, give 
great lift to the -artistic side, the aesthetic side of our 
nature ; and especially is that true when we remem- 
ber that no man is going to go very far wrong if 
he belongs to a society where he can take his wife 
with him to enjoy it. 

AT THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA, CHAR- 
LOTTESVILLE, VA., JUNE 16, 1903 

Mr. Chairman; my Fellow- Americans: 

It is to me to-day a double pleasure to be with 
you; in the first place, because the University of 
Virginia is. one among that limited number of in- 
stitutions of learning to which because of its his- 
toric association every American proud of his 
country and his country's history must turn ; and 
in the next place, because I have just finished a 
trip to and fro across this continent, which at al- 
most every step has reminded me of some great 
deed done by a Virginian or a descendant of a Vir- 
ginian, in that wonderful formative period which 
has occupied more than half of this Republic's life ; 
going across the Alleghanies in the path over the 
mountains which men of Virginia first crossed to 
found the commonwealth of Kentucky; beyond the 



454 Presidential Addresses 

Ohio, which was crossed by a military force carry- 
ing the American flag for the first time when a 
son of Virginia, George Rogers Clark, led his little 
band of backwoods riflemen to conquer what is now 
the heart of this Republic, and that in the middle 
of the Revolutionary War. Then I crossed the 
Mississippi and went through that great region of 
prairie, plain, and mountain, now dotted with cities, 
each filled with the fruits of our material civ- 
ilization, cities placed upon spots which were un- 
known to any map maker but a century ago ; thence 
to the Pacific Ocean, I went through the regions 
which mark the two greatest territorial expansions of 
this Nation ; the greatest of which, by the fact of its 
acquisition, is in itself a tribute most to that man 
who founded this University — President Thomas 
Jefferson — and which was explored by two Vir- 
ginians born not far from this neighborhood — 
Lewis and Clark. When I got south of the limits 
of the old Louisiana Purchase I came into that region 
acquired as the result of the Mexican War — the 
region in territorial extent next to the Louisiana 
Purchase ; and in that war the two foremost figures 
were men likewise born in Virginia — Zachary Tay- 
lor and Winfield Scott. 

Virginia has always rightly prided herself upon 
the character of the men whom she has sent into 
public life. No more wonderful example of govern- 
mental ability, ability in statecraft and public admin- 
istration, has ever been given than by the history of 
Virginia's sons in public life. I feel that this Uni- 



And State Papers 455 

versity, which so peculiarly embodies the ideal of 
Virginia, is in no small degree accountable for the 
happy keeping- up of the spirit which sends into 
public life men of whom their constituents exact 
that they shall possess both courage and courtesy; 
and that is the reason why — as I am glad to say 
here in the presence of the two United States 
Senators from Virginia, both of them graduates of 
this University — whether one agrees or differs with 
them it is so genuine a pleasure to be brought into 
contact with them in handling public affairs. 

In the very able address to which we have had 
the honor of listening it is pointed out that in mere 
years the history of this University is not long. 
Years count differently at different places and at 
different times. Fifty years of Europe are very much 
longer than a cycle of Cathay ; and the period grows 
longer still when you take it across into the Western 
Hemisphere. To us of this Nation there must always 
be the charm of old historic associations inseparably 
connected with this institution, the birth of which 
will always recall the names of three of our greatest 
Presidents, and from which one can wellnigh see the 
former abodes of all three of those Presidents — 
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. 

Let me acknowledge a piece of personal indebted- 
ness to this institution. When last year we sought 
at Washington to restore the White House, which 
ought to be always kept as the historic building 
of the Nation, to what it was planned to be by the 
founders of the Republic, we came here to study 



456 Presidential Addresses 

the building which represented in its existence the 
realization of the ideas of certain of those founders 
of the Republic, and gained from our study of a 
portion of this University an idea of the plan along 
which the restoration of the White House was to 
proceed. 

The University is not old in years as years are 
counted in an older world, but there are very few 
institutions of learning in Europe which, however 
old, have such an honor roll of service to the State, 
in the council chambers of the State, and of ser- 
vice on the tented field, which have such an honor 
roll of statesmen and soldiers, as the roll that can 
be furnished by reading the list of the graduates 
of this University of Virginia. The University has 
been prolific of men who have gone into public life ; 
but it is not only in public life that the record made 
by the University is imperishable. The strangest, 
in some ways the most brilliant name to be found 
in American letters, the name of the man who con- 
tributed something purely individual in poetry and 
in prose, not merely to the literature of this country, 
not merely to the literature of our tongue, but to 
the literature of mankind — the name of Edgar Al- 
lan Poe, is to be found upon your rolls. It is a 
pleasure to one who earnestly hopes to see the liter- 
ary habit in American life kept up and who hopes 
to see a keeping up of productive scholarship and 
literature, to be able to number among his friends 
one of those younger literary men of whom it can 
be safely asserted that they have added something 



And State Papers 457 

permanent to letters, in the person of one of your 
graduates — my friend, Mr. Thomas Nelson Page. 

I owe you for other things. When I wished to 
choose the Surgeon-General of the Navy I had to 
go to Virginia and to the University of Virginia 
to find the man whom I esteem, not only because of 
his ability as a public servant, but because of those 
qualities which will render him ever one for whom 
I and mine feel the warmest and liveliest personal 
affection. Finally, when I had to choose an Ambas- 
sador to represent us at the court of Russia, I 
had to take another graduate of your University 
— Mr. McCormick. You will pardon me one per- 
sonal allusion ; I shall never forget as long as I live 
certain of your graduates who served in my regi- 
ment during the Cuban War. 

The University of Virginia has stood for much 
in our national life. It is something to stand merely 
for such beauty as your buildings and campus rep- 
resent here. It is a good thing for any nation to 
have as beautiful an institution of learning as is 
this University. It is a good thing for the taste 
of a nation to have such an example of good taste 
ever before it. You stand for the production of 
scholarship ; for the production of men who are to 
do well for the State if ever the need of calling upon 
them for their services may arise; but above all, 
as has been so well said in the address to which 
we have listened to-day, the University of Virginia 
stands for the production of men ; of men who are 
to do each a man's duty in the world. A good 



458 Presidential Addresses 

American never owes anything that he does not 
seek to repay. The man who is content to go 
through life owing his alma mater for an educa- 
tion for which he has made no adequate return is 
not true to the ideals of American citizenship. He 
is in honor bound to make such return. He can 
make it in but one way ; he can return what he owes 
to his alma mater only by making his alma mater 
proud of what he does in service rendered to his 
fellow-men. That is the type of return we have 
the right to expect of the University men in this 
country. 

TO THE HOLY NAME SOCIETY AT OYSTER 
BAY, N. Y., AUGUST 16, 1903 

Very Reverend Dean, Reverend Clergy, and you 

of the Holy Name Society: 

I count myself fortunate in having the chance 
to say a word to you to-day ; and at the outset let 
me, Father Power, on behalf of my neighbors, your 
congregation, welcome all your guests here to Oyster 
Bay. I have a partial right to join in that welcome 
myself, for it was my good fortune in the days of 
Father Power's predecessor, Father Belford, to be 
the first man to put down a small contribution for 
the erection of your church here. I am particularly 
glad to see such a society as this flourishing as your 
society has flourished, because the future welfare 
of our Nation depends upon the way in which we can 
combine in our men — in our young men — decency 
and strength. Just this morning when attending ser- 



And State Papers 459 

vice on the great battleship Kcarsarge I listened to 
a sermon addressed to the officers and enlisted men 
of the navy, in which the central thought was that 
each American must be a good man or he could not 
be a good citizen. And one of the things dwelt upon 
in that sermon was the fact that a man must be 
clean of mouth as well as clean of life — must show 
by his words as well as by his actions his fealty to 
the Almighty if he was to be what we have a right 
to expect from men wearing the national uniform. 
We have good Scriptural authority for the statement 
that it is not what comes into a man's month but 
what goes out of it that counts. I am not address- 
ing weaklings, or I should not take the trouble to 
come here. I am addressing strong, vigorous men, 
who are engaged in the active hard work of life; 
and life to be worth living must be a life of activity 
and hard work. I am speaking to men engaged in 
the hard, active work of life, and therefore to men 
who will count for good or for evil. It is pe- 
culiarly incumbent upon you who have strength to 
set a right example to others. I ask you to remem- 
ber that you can not retain your self-respect if you 
are loose and foul of tongue, that a man who is to 
lead a clean and honorable life must inevitably suffer 
if his speech likewise is not clean and honorable. 
Every man here knows the temptations that beset all 
of us in this world. At times any man will slip. 
I do not expect perfection, but I do expect genuine 
and sincere effort toward being decent and cleanly 
in thought, in word, and in deed. As I said at the 



460 Presidential Addresses 

outset, I hail the work of this society as typifying one 
of those forces which tend to the betterment and 
uplifting of our social system. Our whole effort 
should be toward securing a combination of the 
strong qualities with those qualities which we term 
virtues. I expect you to be strong. I would not re- 
spect you if you were not. I do not want to see 
Christianity professed only by weaklings ; I want to 
see it a moving spirit among men of strength. I 
do not expect you to lose one particle of your 
strength or courage by being decent. On the con- 
trary, I should hope to see each man who is a mem- 
ber of this society, from his membership in it be- 
come all the fitter to do the rough work of the world; 
all the fitter to work in time of peace; and if, which 
may Heaven forfend, war should come, all the fitter 
to fight in time of war. I desire to see in this country 
the decent men strong and the strong men decent, and 
until we get that combination in pretty good shape 
we are not going to be by any' means as successful 
as we should be. There is always a tendency among 
very young men and among boys who are not quite 
young men as yet to think that to be wicked is rather 
smart; to think it shows that they are men. Oh, 
how often you see some young fellow who boasts 
that he is going to "see life," meaning by that that 
he is going to see that part of life which it is a 
thousandfold better should remain unseen! I ask 
that every man here constitute himself his brother's 
keeper by setting an example to that younger brother 
which will prevent him from getting such a false 



And State Papers 461 

estimate of life. Example is the most potent of all 
things. If any one of you in the presence of younger 
boys, and especially the younger people of your own 
family, misbehave yourself, if you use coarse and 
blasphemous language before them, you can be sure 
that these younger people will follow your ex- 
ample and not your precept. It is no use to preach 
to them if you do not act decently yourself. You 
must feel that the most effective way in which you 
can preach is by your practice. 

As I was driving up here a friend who was with 
us said that in his experience the boy who went out 
into life with a foul tongue was apt so to go because 
his kinsfolk, at least his intimate associates, them- 
selves had foul tongues. The father, the elder broth- 
ers, the friends, can do much toward seeing that the 
boys as they become men become clean and honor- 
able men. 

I have told you that I wanted you not only to be 
decent, but to be strong. These boys will not ad- 
mire virtue of a merely anaemic type. They believe 
in courage, in manliness. They admire those who 
have the quality of being brave, the quality of fac- 
ing life as life should be faced, the quality that must 
stand at the root of good citizenship in peace or in 
war. If you are to be effective as good Christians 
you must possess strength and courage, or your 
example will count for little with the young, who 
admire strength and courage. I want to see you, the 
men of the Holy Name Society, you who embody 
the qualities which the younger people admire, by 



462 Presidential Addresses 

your example give those young people the tendency, 
the trend, in the right direction ; and remember that 
this example counts in many other ways besides 
cleanliness of speech. I want to see every man able 
to hold his own with the strong, and also ashamed 
to oppress the weak. I want to see each young fel- 
low able to do a man's work in the world, and of 
a type which will not permit imposition to be prac- 
ticed upon him. I want to see him too strong of 
spirit to submit to wrong, and, on the other hand, 
ashamed to do wrong to others. I want to see each 
man able to hold his own in the rough work of ac- 
tual life outside, and also, when he is at home, a good 
man, unselfish in dealing with wife, or mother, or 
children. Remember that the preaching does not 
count if it is not backed up by practice. There is no 
good in your preaching to your boys to be brave, if 
you run away. There is no good in your preaching 
to them to tell the truth if you do not. There is no 
good in your preaching to them to be unselfish if 
they see you selfish with your wife, disregardful of 
others. We have a right to expect that you will 
come together in meetings like this ; that you will 
march in processions ; that you will join in building 
up such a great and useful association as this; and, 
even more, we have a right to expect that in your 
own homes and among your own associates you will 
prove by your deeds that yours is not a lip loyalty 
merely; that you show in actual practice the faith 
that is in you. 



And State Papers 463 



ON BOARD THE KEARSARGE, DURING THE 
REVIEW OF THE FLEET, AUGUST 17, 1903 

Officers and Enlisted Men: 

I wish to say a word of thanks to you on behalf 
of the people of the United States. There are many 
public servants whom I hold in high esteem, but 
there are no others whom as a class I hold in quite 
the esteem I do the officers and enlisted men of the 
navy and the army of the United States. 

In doing your work here it should all be done with 
an eye toward the day when upon every man, from 
the admiral to the lowest in rank, may rest the re- 
sponsibility as to whether or not a new page of 
honor in American history shall be turned. As I 
passed the Olympia I remembered her victory of 
May 1, 1898, which made her name forever one of 
renown in our history. But all aboard her had been 
equipped for the work by days and months, usually 
by years, of what must have often been irksome 
duty. In speaking to all of you I want a chance to 
say a word of special recognition to the gun pointers. 
The shots that hit are the shots that tell. They are 
what make the navy prove itself equal to any need. 
I am happy to say that the American seamen have 
never been found deficient in the fighting edge — the 
first requisite of the fighting man. I do not praise 
you for being brave ; that is expected. The coward 



464 Presidential Addresses 

is to be condemned rather than the brave man to be 
praised. I expect every one to show a perfect will- 
ingness to die rather than to see the slightest stain 
put upon the American flag. But in addition you 
must know how to use to the utmost advantage the 
gear and the weapons. You must know how to fight 
as well as know how to die; only thus can you be- 
come the most efficient fighting force in the world. 
I again thank you for what you are. A peculiar re- 
sponsibility attaches to each and every one of you. 
It has been a pleasure to see the ship and the guns, 
but. above all, the men behind the guns. 



And State Papers 465 



ON BOARD THE OLYMPIA DURING THE RE- 
VIEW OF THE FLEET, AUGUST 17, 1903 

AS President of the United States, I wish, on be- 
half of the entire country, to greet you as rep- 
resentatives of the officers and enlisted men of the 
United States Navy. Every man aboard the Olym- 
pia must feel that on him rests a double duty, to see 
to it that the ship's name shall be for evermore a 
symbol of victory and of glory to all the people of 
our country. "Nothing pleases me more than to see 
to-day for myself how high is the standard of the 
enlisted men of the United States Navy. I do not 
believe that our navy has ever been at a higher point 
of efficiency. Month by month the already high 
standard is being raised even higher. All alike share 
in the duty, and share in the honor which comes if 
the duty is well done. Whether the service is ren- 
dered in the conning tower, or in the gun-turrets, or 
in the engine-room, it matters not, so long as the ser- 
vice itself is of the highest possible kind. This ship 
commemorates forever the name of Admiral Dewey, 
as the Hartford commemorates that of Admiral Far- 
ragut. And I ask you all, as Americans proud of 
your country, from the admiral down to the last en- 
listed landsman, or the youngest apprentice, to ap- 
preciate alike the high honor and heavy responsibility 
of your positions. 



466 Presidential Addresses 



AT THE STATE FAIR, SYRACUSE, N. Y., SEP- 
TEMBER 7, 1903 

Governor Higgins; my Fellow-Citizens: 

In speaking on Labor Day at the annual fair of 
the New York State Agricultural Association, it 
is natural to keep especially in mind the two bodies 
who compose the majority of our people and upon 
whose welfare depends the welfare of the entire 
State. If circumstances are such that thrift, energy, 
industry, and forethought enable the farmer, the 
tiller of the soil, on the one hand, and the wage- 
worker, on the other, to keep themselves, their wives, 
and their children in reasonable comfort, then the 
State is well off, and we can be assured that the 
other classes in the community will likewise prosper. 
On the other hand, if there is in the long run a lack 
of prosperity among the two classes named, then all 
other prosperity is sure to be more seeming than real. 
It has been our profound good fortune as a Nation 
that hitherto, disregarding exceptional periods of de- 
pression and the normal and inevitable fluctuations, 
there has been on the whole from the beginning of 
our government to the present day a progressive bet- 
terment alike in the condition of the tiller of the soil 
and in the condition of the man who, by his manual 
skill and labor, supports himself and his family, and 



And State Papers 467 

endeavors to bring tip his children so that they may 
be at least as well off as, and if possible better off 
than, he himself has been. There are, of course, 
exceptions, but as a whole the standard of living 
among- the farmers of our country has risen from 
generation to generation, and the wealth repre- 
sented on the farms has steadily increased, while 
the wages of labor have likewise risen, both as re- 
gards the actual money paid and as regards the pur- 
chasing power which that money represents. 

Side by side with this increase in the prosperity of 
the wage-worker and the tiller of the soil has gone 
on a great increase in prosperity among the busi- 
ness men and among certain classes of professional 
men ; and the prosperity of these men has been partly 
the cause and partly the consequence of the pros- 
perity of farmer and wage-worker. It can not be 
too often repeated that in this country, in the long 
run, we all of us tend to go up or go down to- 
gether. If the average of well-being is high, it means 
that the average wage-worker, the average farmer, 
and the average business man are all alike well off. 
If the average shrinks, there is not one of these 
classes which will not feel the shrinkage. Of course 
there are always some men who are not affected 
by good times, just as there are some men who are 
not affected by bad times. But speaking broadly, it 
is true that if prosperity comes all of us tend to 
share more or less therein, and that if adversity 
comes each of us, to a greater or less extent, feels 
the tension. Unfortunately, in this world the inno- 



468 Presidential Addresses 

cent frequently find themselves obliged to pay some 
of the penalty for the misdeeds of the guilty; and 
so if hard times come, whether they be due to our 
own fault or to our misfortune, whether they be due 
to some burst of speculative frenzy that has caused 
a portion of the business world to lose its head — 
a loss which no legislation can possibly supply — or 
whether they be due to any lack of wisdom in a 
portion of the world of labor — in each case the trou- 
ble once started is felt more or less in every walk 
of life. 

It is all-essential to the continuance of our healthy 
national life that we should recognize this com- 
munity of interest among our people. The welfare 
of each of us is dependent fundamentally upon the 
welfare of all of us, and therefore in public life that 
man is the best representative of each of us who 
seeks to do good to each by doing good to all ; in 
other words, whose endeavor it is. not to represent 
any special class and promote merely that class's 
selfish interests, but to represent all true and honest 
men of all sections and all classes and to work for 
their interests by working for our common country. 

We can keep our government on a sane and 
healthy basis, we can make and keep our social sys- 
tem what it should be, only on condition of judging 
each man, not as a member of a class, but on his 
worth as a man. It is an infamous tiling in our 
American life, and fundamentally treacherous to our 
institutions, to apply to any man any test save that 
of his personal worth, or to draw between two sets 



And State Papers 469 

of men any distinction save the distinction of con- 
duct, the distinction that marks off those who do well 
and wisely from those who do ill and foolishly. 
There are good citizens and bad citizens in every 
class as in every locality, and the attitude of decent 
people toward great public and social questions 
should be determined, not by the accidental ques- 
tions of employment or locality, but by those deep-set 
principles which represent the innermost souls of 
men. 

The failure in public and in private life thus to 
treat each man on his own merits, the recognition of 
this government as being either for the poor as such 
or for the rich as such, would prove fatal to our Re- 
public, as such failure and such recognition have al- 
ways proved fatal in the past to other republics. A 
healthy republican government must rest upon indi- 
viduals, not upon classes or sections. As soon as it 
becomes government by a class or by a section it 
departs from the old American ideal. 

It is, of course, the merest truism to say that free 
institutions are of avail only to people who pos- 
sess the high and peculiar characteristics needed to 
take advantage of such institutions. The century 
that has just closed has witnessed many and lam- 
entable instances in which people have seized a 
government free in form, or have had it bestowed 
upon them, and yet have permitted it under the 
forms of liberty to become some species of despotism 
or anarchy, because they did not have in them the 
power to make this seeming liberty one of deed in- 



47° Presidential Addresses 

stead of one merely of word. Under such circum- 
stances the seeming liberty may be supplanted by 
a tyranny or despotism in the first place, or it may 
reach the road of despotism by the path of license 
and anarchy. It matters but little which road is 
taken. In either case the same goal is reached. Peo- 
ple show themselves just as unfit for liberty whether 
they submit to anarchy or to tyranny; and class 
government, whether it be the government of a 
plutocracy or the government of a mob, is equally 
incompatible with the principles established in the 
days of Washington and perpetuated in the days of 
Lincoln. 

Many qualities are needed by a people which 
would preserve the power of self-government in fact 
as well as in name. Among these qualities are fore- 
thought, shrewdness, self-restraint, the courage 
which refuses to abandon one's own rights, and the 
disinterested and kindly good sense which enables 
one to do justice to the rights of others. Lack of 
strength and lack of courage unfit men for self- 
government on the one hand ; and on the other, bru- 
tal arrogance, envy, in short, any manifestation of 
the spirit of selfish disregard, whether of one's own 
duties or of the rights of others, are equally fatal. 

In the history of mankind many republics have 
risen, have flourished for a less or greater time, and 
then have fallen because their citizens lost the power 
of governing themselves and thereby of governing 
their slate ; and in no way has this loss of power been 
so often and so clearly shown as in the tendency 



And State Papers 47 r 

to turn the government into a government primarily 
for the benefit of one class instead of a government 
for the benefit of the people as a whole. 

Again and again in the republics of ancient Greece, 
in those of mediaeval Italy and mediaeval Flanders, 
this tendency was shown, and wherever the ten- 
dency became a habit it invariably and inevitably 
proved fatal to the state. In the final result it mat- 
tered not one whit whether the movement was in 
favor of one class or of another. The outcome was 
equally fatal, whether the country fell into the 
hands of a wealthy oligarchy which exploited the 
poor or whether it fell under the domination of a 
turbulent mob which plundered the rich. In both 
cases there resulted violent alternations between tyr- 
anny and disorder, and a final complete loss of lib- 
erty to all citizens — destruction in the end overtaking 
the class which had for the moment been victorious 
as well as that which had momentarily been defeated. 
The death knell of the Republic had rung as soon 
as the active power became lodged in the hands of 
those who sought, not to do justice to all citizens, 
rich and poor alike, but to stand for one special class 
and for its interests as opposed to the interests of 
others. 

The reason why our future is assured lies in the 
fact that our people are genuinely skilled in and fitted 
for self-government and therefore will spurn the 
leadership of those who seek to excite this ferocious 
and foolish class antagonism. The average Ameri- 
can knows not only that he himself intends to do 



47 2 Presidential Addresses 

about what is right, but that his average fellow- 
countryman has the same intention and the same 
power to make his intention effective. He knows, 
whether he be business man, professional man, 
farmer, mechanic, employer, or wage-worker, that 
the welfare of each of these men is bound up with 
the welfare of all the others; that each is neighbor 
to the other, is actuated by the same hopes and fears, 
has fundamentally the same ideals, and that all alike 
have much the same virtues and the same faults. 
Our average fellow-citizen is a sane and healthy 
man, who believes in decency and has a wholesome 
mind. He therefore feels an equal scorn alike for 
the man of wealth guilty of the mean and base spirit 
of arrogance toward those who are less well off, and 
for the man of small means who in his turn either 
feels, or seeks to excite in others the feeling of 
mean and base envy for those who are better off. 
The two feelings, envy and arrogance, are but oppo- 
site sides of the same shield, but different develop- 
ments of the same spirit. Fundamentally, the un- 
scrupulous rich man who seeks to exploit and op- 
press those who are less well off is in spirit not op- 
posed to, but identical with, the unscrupulous poor 
man who desires to plunder and oppress those who 
are better off. The courtier and the demagogue are 
but developments of the same type under different 
conditions, each manifesting the same servile spirit, 
the same desire to rise by pandering to base pas- 
sions ; though one panders to power in the shape of 
a single man and the other to power in the shape of 



And State Papers 473 

a multitude. So likewise the man who wishes to rise 
by wronging others must by right be contrasted, not 
with the man who likewise wishes to do wrong, 
though to a different set of people, but with the man 
who wishes to do justice to all people and to wrong 
none. 

The line of cleavage between good and bad citizen- 
ship lies, not between the man of wealth who acts 
squarely by his fellows and the man who seeks each 
day's wage by that day's work, wronging no one 
and doing his duty by his neighbor; nor yet does 
this line of cleavage divide the unscrupulous wealthy 
man who exploits others in his own interest, from 
the demagogue, or from the sullen and envious being 
who wishes to attack all men of property, whether 
they do well or ill. On the contrary, the line of 
cleavage between good citizenship and bad citizen- 
ship separates the rich man who does well from the 
rich man who does ill, the poor man of good con- 
duct from the poor man of bad conduct. This line 
of cleavage lies at right angles to any such arbitrary 
line of division as that separating one class from an- 
other, one locality from another, or men with a 
certain degree of property from those of a less de- 
gree of property. 

The good citizen is the man who, whatever his 
wealth or his poverty, strives manfully to do his 
duty to himself, to his family, to his neighbor, to 
the State ; who is incapable of the baseness which 
manifests itself either in arrogance or in envy, but 
who while demanding justice for himself is no less 

4 _^Voi*." XIV 



474 Presidential Addresses 

scrupulous to do justice to others. It is because the 
average American citizen, rich or poor, is of just 
this type that we have cause for our profound faith 
in the future of the Republic. 

Ours is a government of liberty, by, through, 
and under the law. Lawlessness and connivance at 
law-breaking — whether the law-breaking take the 
form of a crime of greed and cunning or of a crime 
of violence — are destructive not only of order, but 
of the true liberties which can only come through 
order. If alive to their true interests rich and poor 
alike will set their faces like flint against the spirit 
which seeks personal advantage by overriding the 
laws, without regard to whether this spirit shows 
itself in the form of bodily violence by one set of 
men or in the form of vulpine cunning by another 
set of men. 

Let the watchwords of all our people be the old 
familiar watchwords of honesty, decency, fair-deal- 
ing and common sense. The qualities denoted by 
these words are essential to all of us, as we deal with 
the complex industrial problems of to-day, the prob- 
lems affecting not merely the accumulation but even 
more the wise distribution of wealth. We ask no 
man's permission when we require him to obey the 
law ; neither the permission of the poor man nor 
yet of the rich man. Least of all can the man of 
great wealth afford to break the law, even for his 
own financial advantage ; for the law is his prop and 
support, and it is both foolish and profoundly unpa- 
triotic for him to fail in giving hearty support to 



And State Papers 475 

those who show that there is in very fact one law, 
and one law only, alike for the rich and the poor, 
for the great and the small. 

Men sincerely interested in the due protection of 
property, and men sincerely interested in seeing that 
the just rights of labor are guaranteed, should alike 
remember not only that in the long run neither the 
capitalist nor the wage-worker can be helped in 
healthy fashion save by helping the other; but also 
that to require either side to obey the law and do its 
full duty toward the community is emphatically to 
that side's real interest. 

There is no worse enemy of the wage-worker 
than the man who condones mob violence in any 
shape or who preaches class hatred; and surely the 
slightest acquaintance with our industrial history 
should teach even the most short-sighted that the 
times of most suffering for our people as a whole, 
the times when business is stagnant, and capital 
suffers from shrinkage and gets no return from its 
investments, are exactly the times of hardship, and 
want, and grim disaster among the poor. If all the 
existing instrumentalities of wealth could be abol- 
ished, the first and severest suffering would come 
among those of us who are least well off at pres- 
ent. The wage-worker is well off only when the 
rest of the country is well off; and he can best con- 
tribute to this general well-being by showing sanity 
and a firm purpose to do justice to others. 

In his turn the capitalist who is really a con- 
servative, the man who has forethought as well 



476 Presidential Addresses 

as patriotism, should heartily welcome every effort, 
legislative or otherwise, which has for its object 
to secure fair dealing by capital, corporate or in- 
dividual, toward the public and toward the em- 
ployee. Such laws as the franchise-tax law in this 
State, which the Court of Appeals recently unani- 
mously decided constitutional — such a law as that 
passed in Congress last year for the purpose of 
establishing a Department of Commerce and La- 
bor, under which there should be a bureau to over- 
see and secure publicity from the great corporations 
which do an interstate business — such a law as that 
passed at the same time for the regulation of the 
great highways of commerce so as to keep these 
roads clear on fair terms to all producers in get- 
ting their goods to market — these laws are in the 
interest not merely of the people as a whole, but 
of the propertied classes. For in no way is the 
stability of property better assured than by making 
it patent to our people that property bears its proper 
share of the burdens of the State; that property is 
handled not only in the interest of the owner, but 
in the interest of the whole community. 

In other words, legislation to be permanently 
good for any class must also be good for the Na- 
tion as a whole, and legislation which does injus- 
tice to any class is certain to work harm to the 
Nation. Take our currency system for example. 
This Nation is on a gold basis. The treasury of 
the public is in excellent condition. Never before 
has the per capita of circulation been as large as 



And State Papers 477 

it is this day; and this circulation, moreover, is of 
money every dollar of which is at par with gold. 
Now, our having this sound currency system is of 
benefit to banks, of course, but it is of infinitely 
more benefit to the people as a whole, because of the 
healthy effect on business conditions. 

In the same way, whatever is advisable in the way 
of remedial or corrective currency legislation — and 
nothing revolutionary is adviifible under present 
conditions — must be undertaken only from the 
standpoint of the business community as a whole, 
that is, of the American body politic as a whole. 
Whatever is done, we can not afford to take any 
step backward or to cast any doubt upon the cer- 
tain redemption in standard coin of every circu- 
lating note. 

Among ourselves we differ in many qualities of 
body, head and heart; we are unequally developed, 
mentally as well as physically. But each of us has 
the right to ask that he shall be protected from 
wrongdoing as he does his work and carries his 
burden through life. No man needs sympathy be- 
cause he has to work, because he has a burden to 
carry. Far and away the best prize that life offers 
is the chance to work hard at work worth doing; 
and this is a prize open to every man, for there 
can be no work better worth doing than that done 
to keep in health and comfort and with reasonable 
advantages those immediately dependent upon the 
husband, the father, or the son. 



47^ Presidential Addresses 

There is no room in our healthy American life 
for the mere idler, for the man or the woman whose 
object it is throughout life to shirk the duties which 
life ought to bring. Life can mean nothing worth 
meaning, unless its prime aim is the doing of duty, 
the achievement of results worth achieving. A re- 
cent writer .has finely said : "After all, the saddest 
thing that can. happen to a man is to carry no 
burdens. To be bent under too great a load is 
bad ; to be crushed by it is lamentable ; but even 
in that there are possibilities that are glorious. But 
to carry no load at all — there is nothing in that. 
No one seems to arrive at any goal really worth 
reaching in this world who does not come to it 
heavy laden." 

Surely from our own experience each one of us 
knows that this is true. From the greatest to the 
smallest, happiness and usefulness are largely found 
in the same soul, and the joy of life is won in its 
deepest and truest sense only by those who have 
not shirked life's burdens. The men whom we 
most delight to honor in all this land are those 
who, in the iron years from '61 to '65, bore on their 
shoulders the burden of saving the Union. They 
did not choose the easy task. They did not shirk 
the difficult duty. Deliberately and of their own 
free will they strove for an ideal, upward and on- 
ward across the stony slopes of greatness. They 
did the hardest work that was then to be done; 
they bore the heaviest burden that any generation 
of Americans ever had to bear: and because thev 



And State Papers 479 

did this they have won such proud joy as it has 
fallen to the lot of no other men to win, and have 
written their names for evermore on the golden hon- 
or roll of the Nation. As it is with the soldier, so 
it is with the civilian. To win success in the busi- 
ness world, to become a first-class mechanic, a suc- 
cessful farmer, an able lawyer or doctor, means that 
the man has devoted his best energy and power 
through long years to the achievement of his ends. 
So it is in the life of the family, upon which in 
the last analysis the whole welfare of the Nation 
rests. The man or woman who as bread-winner 
and home-maker, or as wife and mother, has done 
all that he or she can do, patiently and uncom- 
plainingly, is to be honored : and is to be envied 
by all those who have never had the good fortune 
to feel the need and duty of doing such work. The 
woman who has borne, and who has reared as they 
should be reared, a family of children, has in the 
most emphatic manner deserved well of the Repub- 
lic. Her burden has been heavy, and she has been 
able to bear it worthily only by the possession of 
resolution, of good sense, of conscience, and of un- 
selfishness. But if she has borne it well, then to 
her shall come the supreme blessing, for in the 
words of the oldest and greatest of books, "Her 
children shall rise up and call her blessed;" and 
among the benefactors of the land her place must 
be with those who have done the best and the hard- 
est work, whether as law-givers or as soldiers, 
whether in public or private life. 



4 8 ° Presidential Addresses 

This is not a soft and easy creed to preach. It 
is a creed willingly learned only by men and women 
who, together with the softer virtues, possess also 
the stronger; who can do, and dare, and die at 
need, but who while life lasts will never flinch from 
their allotted task. You farmers, and wage-workers, 
and business men of this great State, of this mighty 
and wonderful Nation, are gathered together to-day, 
proud of your State and still prouder of your Na- 
tion, because your forefathers and predecessors have 
lived up to just this creed. You have received from 
their hands a great inheritance, and you will leave 
an even greater inheritance to your children, and 
your childrens' children, provided only that you 
practice alike in your private and your public 
lives the strong virtues that have given us as a 
people greatness in the past. It is not enough 
to be well-meaning and kindly, but weak; neither 
is it enough to be strong, unless morality and 
decency go hand in hand with strength. We 
must possess the qualities which make us do our 
duty in our homes and among our neighbors, and in 
addition we must possess the qualities which are 
indispensable to the make-up of every great and 
masterful nation — the qualities of courage and 
hardihood, of individual initiative and yet of power 
to combine for a common end, and above all, the 
resolute determination to permit no man and no set 
of men to sunder us one from the other by lines of 
caste or creed or section. We must act upon the 
motto of all for each and each for all. There must 



And State Papers 481 

be ever present in our minds the fundamental truth 
that in a republic such as ours the only safety is 
to stand neither for nor against any man because he 
is rich or because he is poor, because he is engaged 
in one occupation or another, because he works with 
his brains or because he works with his hands. We 
must treat each man on his worth and merits as a 
man. We must see that each is given a square 
deal, because he is entitled to no more and should 
receive no less. Finally we must keep ever in mind 
that a republic such as ours can exist only by virtue 
of the orderly liberty which comes through the 
equal domination .of the law over all men alike, 
and through its administration in such resolute and 
fearless fashion as shall teach all that no man is 
above it and no man below it. 

AT RICHMOND HILL, N. Y., SEPTEMBER 8, 1903 

Dr. Kimball,, and you. Men, Women, and Children 
of Richmond Hill: 

I wish I could talk better to all of you ; but I will 
ask you to have a little patience for one moment 
while I thank you for having come out to greet me, 
I am glad to see all of you, and allow me to say that 
I am most glad to see those who carry small folks in 
their arms. 

You know I am very fond of Mr. Riis ; and the 
reason why is because when I preach about decent 
citizenship I can turn to him and think he has prac- 
ticed just what I have been preaching. The worth 



482 Presidential Addresses 

of any sermon lies in the way in which that sermon 
can be and is applied in practice. Of course I am 
glad to have the chance of being with a man who 
shows by his life that he knows how practically to 
apply the spirit of decency unaccompanied by mourn- 
fulness or false pretences of any kind, or by weak- 
ness. I want to see men decent ; I want to see them 
act squarely; I want to see them work. That does 
not mean that I want to see them have sour faces. I 
want to see all enjoy themselves, men, women, and 
children. I believe in play; I believe in happiness, 
and in the joy of living; and I do not believe in the 
life that is nothing but play. I believe that you have 
a thousand-fold more enjoyment if work comes first; 
but get time to play also. I believe in cheerfulness 
as well as in decency and honesty. Finally, I be- 
lieve in always combining strength with the sweet- 
ness. I want to say how deeply touched I am at 
your coming out to greet me, and I want you to 
understand that you give me strength of heart when 
you come in this way. I greet you all ; I am glad to 
see the grown up people of Richmond Hill, and-I am 
even more glad to see the children. 

AT ANTIETAM, MD., SEPTEMBER 17, 1903 

Governor Murphy, Veterans of New Jersey, Men 
of the Grand Army: 

I thank you of New Jersey for the monument 
to the troops of New Jersey who fought at Antie- 
tam, and on behalf of the Nation I accept the gift. 



And State Papers 483 

We meet to-day upon one of the great battle-fields 
of the Civil War. No other battle of the Civil 
War lasting but one day shows as great a per- 
centage of loss as that which occurred here upon 
the day on which Antietam was fought. Moreover, 
in its ultimate effects this battle was of momentous 
and even decisive importance, for when it had ended 
and Lee had retreated south of the Potomac, Lin- 
coln forthwith published that immortal paper, the 
preliminary declaration of emancipation; the paper 
which decided that the Civil War, besides being 
a war for the preservation of the Union, should be 
a war for the emancipation of the slave, so that 
from that time onward the cause of Union and of 
Freedom, of national greatness and individual lib- 
erty, were one and the same. 

Men of New Jersey, I congratulate your State be- 
cause she has the right to claim her full share in 
the honor and glory of that memorable day; and 
I congratulate you, Governor Murphy, because on 
that day you had the high good fortune to serve 
as a lad with credit and honor in one of the five 
regiments which your State sent to the battle. Four 
of those regiments, by the way, served in the divi- 
sion commanded by that gallant soldier, Henry W. 
Slocum, whom we of New York can claim as our 
own. The other regiment, that in which Governor 
Murphy served, although practically an entirely 
new regiment, did work as good as that of any vet- 
eran organization upon the field, and suffered a pro- 
portional loss. This regiment was at one time or- 



484 Presidential Addresses 

dered to the support of a division commanded by 
another New York soldier, the gallant General 
Greene, whose son himself served as a major-gen- 
eral in the war with Spain and is now, as Police 
Commissioner of New York, rendering as signal 
service in civil life as he had already rendered in 
military life. 

If the issue of Antietam had been other than 
it was, it is probable that at least two great Eu- 
ropean powers would have recognized the indepen- 
dence of the Confederacy; so that you who fought 
here forty-one years ago have the profound satis- 
faction of feeling that you played well your part 
in one of those crises big with the fate of all man- 
kind. You men of the Grand Army by your vic- 
tory not only rendered all Americans your debtors 
for evermore, but you rendered all humanity your 
debtors. If the Union had been dissolved, if the 
great edifice built with blood and sweat and tears 
by mighty Washington and his compeers had gone 
down in wreck and ruin, the result would have been 
an incalculable calamity, not only for our people — 
and most of all for those who, in such event would 
have seemingly triumphed — but for all mankind. 
The great American Republic would have become a 
memory of derision; and the failure of the experi- 
ment of self-government by a great people on a 
great scale would have delighted the heart of every 
foe of republican institutions. Our country, now so 
great and so wonderful, would have been split into 
little jangling rival nationalities, each with a his- 



And State Papers 485 

tory both bloody and contemptible. It was because 
you, the men who wear the button of the Grand 
Army, triumphed in those dark years, that every 
American now holds his head high, proud in the 
knowledge that he belongs to a Nation whose glo- 
rious past and great present will be succeeded by 
an even mightier future; whereas had you failed 
we would all of us. North and South, East and 
West, be now treated by other nations at the best 
with contemptuous tolerance; at the worst with 
overbearing insolence. 

Moreover, every friend of liberty, every believer 
in self-government, every idealist who wished to 
see his ideals take practical shape, wherever he 
might be in the world, knew that the success of 
all in which he most believed was bound up with 
the success of the Union armies in this great strug- 
gle. I confidently predict that when the final judg- 
ment of history is recorded it will be said that in 
no other war of which we have written record was 
it more vitally essential for the welfare of mankind 
that victory should rest where it finally rested. 
There have been other wars for individual free- 
dom. There have been other wars for national 
greatness. But there has never been another war 
in which the issues at stake were so large, looked 
at from either standpoint. We take just pride in 
the great deeds of the men of 1776, but we must 
keep in mind that the Revolutionary War would 
have been shorn of well-nigh all its results had 
the side of union and liberty been defeated in the 



486 Presidential Addresses 

Civil War. In such case we should merely have 
added another to the lamentably long list of cases 
in which peoples have shown that after winning 
their liberty they are wholly unable to make good 
use of it. 

It now rests with us in civil life to make good by 
our deeds the deeds which you who wore the blue 
did in the great years from '6i to '65. The pa- 
triotism, the courage, the unflinching resolution 
and steadfast endurance of the soldiers whose tri- 
umph was crowned at Appomattox must be sup- 
plemented on our part by civic courage, civic hon- 
esty, cool sanity, and steadfast adherence to the 
immutable laws of righteousness. You left us a 
reunited country ; reunited in fact as well as in 
name. You left us the right of brotherhood with 
your gallant foes who wore the gray; the right to 
feel pride in their courage and their high fealty 
to an ideal, even though they warred against the 
stars in their courses. You left us also the most 
splendid example of what brotherhood really 
means; for in your careers you showed in prac- 
tical fashion that the only safety in our Ameri- 
can life lies in spurning the accidental distinctions 
which sunder one man from another, and in paying 
homage to each man only because of what he essen- 
tially is ; in stripping off the husks of occupation, of 
position, of accident, until the soul stands forth 
revealed, and we know the man only because of his 
worth as a man. 

There was no patent device for securing victory 



And State Papers 487 

by force of arms forty years ago; and there is no 
patent device for securing victory for the forces of 
righteousness in civil life now. In each case the 
all-important factor was and is the character of the 
individual man. Good laws in the State, like a 
good organization in an army, are the expressions 
of national character. Leaders will be developed 
in military and in civil life alike; and weapons and 
tactics change from generation to generation, as 
methods of achieving good government change in 
civic affairs ; but the fundamental qualities which 
make for good citizenship do not change any more 
than the fundamental qualities which make good 
soldiers. In the long run in the Civil War the 
thing that counted for more than aught else was 
the fact that the average American had the fighting 
edge; had within him the spirit which spurred him 
on through toil and danger, fatigue and hardship, 
to the goal of the splendid ultimate triumph. So 
in achieving good government the fundamental fac- 
tor must be the character of the average citizen; 
that average citizen's power of hatred for what is 
mean and base and unlovely; his fearless scorn of 
cowardice and his determination to war unyield- 
ingly against the dark and sordid forces of evil. 

The Continental troops who followed Washing- 
ton were clad in blue and buff, and were armed 
with clumsy, flintlock muskets. You, who followed 
Grant, wore the famous old blue uniform, and your 
weapons had changed as had your uniform ; and 
now the men of the American Army who uphold 



488 Presidential Addresses 

the honor of the flag in the far tropic lands are yet 
differently armed and differently clad and differ- 
ently trained ; but the spirit that has driven you all 
to victory has remained forever unchanged. So it 
is in civil life. As you did not win in a month 
or a year, but only after long years of hard and 
dangerous work, so the fight for governmental 
honesty and efficiency can be won only by the dis- 
play of similar patience and similar resolution and 
power of endurance. We need the same type of 
character now that was needed by the men who with 
Washington first inaugurated the system of free 
popular government, the system of combined liberty 
and order here on this Continent ; that was needed 
by the men who under Lincoln perpetuated the gov- 
ernment which had thus been inaugurated in the 
days of Washington. The qualities essential to good 
citizenship and to good public service now are in 
all their essentials exactly the same as in the days 
when the first Congresses met to provide for the es- 
tablishment of the Union: as in the days seventy 
years later, when the Congresses met which had to 
provide for its salvation. 

There are many qualities which we need alike 
in private citizen and in public man, but three above 
all — three for the lack of which no brilliancy and 
no genius can atone — and those three are courage, 
honesty, and common sense. 



And State Papers 489 

AT THE UNVEILING OF THE SHERMAN 

STATUE, WASHINGTON, D. C., 

OCTOBER 15, 1903 

General Dodge, Veterans of the Four Great Armies, 

and you, my Fellow-Citizens: 

To-day we meet together to do honor to the 
memory of one of the great men whom, in the 
hour of her agony, our Nation brought forth for 
her preservation. The Civil War was not only in 
the importance of the issues at stake and of the out- 
come the greatest of modern times, but it was also, 
taking into account its duration, the severity of the 
fighting, and the size of the armies engaged, the 
greatest since the close of the Napoleonic struggles. 
Among the generals who rose to high position as 
leaders of the various armies in the field are many 
who will be remembered in our history as long as 
this history itself is remembered. Sheridan, the in- 
carnation of fiery energy and prowess; Thomas, 
farsighted, cool-headed, whose steadfast courage 
burned ever highest in the supreme moment of the 
crisis; McClellan, with his extraordinary gift for 
organization; Meade, victor in one of the decisive 
battles of all time; Hancock, type of the true fight- 
ing man among the regulars; Logan, type of the 
true fighting man among the volunteers — the names 
of these and of many others will endure so long as 
our people hold sacred the memory of the fight for 
union and for liberty. High among these chiefs 
rise the figures of Grant and of Grant's great lieu- 



49° Presidential Addresses 

tenant, Sherman, whose statue here in the national 
capital is to-day to be unveiled. It is not necessary 
here to go over the long roll of Sherman's mighty 
feats. They are written large throughout the his- 
tory of the Civil War. Our memories would be 
poor indeed if we did not recall them now, as we 
look along Pennsylvania Avenue and think of the 
great triumphal march which surged down its length 
when at the close of the war the victorious armies 
of the East and of the West met here in the capital 
of the Nation they had saved. 

There is a peculiar fitness in commemorating the 
great deeds of the soldiers who preserved this Na- 
tion, by suitable monuments at the National Capital. 
I trust we shall soon have a proper statue of Abra- 
ham Lincoln, to whom more than to ^ any other one 
man this Nation owes its salvation. Meanwhile, on 
behalf of the people of the Nation, I wish to con- 
gratulate all of you who have been instrumental in 
securing the erection of this statue to General 
Sherman. 

The living can best show their respect for the 
memory of the great dead by the way in which they 
take to heart and act upon the lessons taught by the 
lives which made these dead men great. Our hom- 
age to-day to the memory of Sherman comes from 
the depths of our being. We would be unworthy 
citizens did we not feel profound gratitude toward 
him, and those like him and under him, who, when 
the country called in her dire need, sprang forward 
with such gallant eagerness to answer that call. 



And State Papers 491 

Their blood and their toil, their endurance and pa- 
triotism, have made us and all who come after us 
forever their debtors. They left us not merely a 
reunited country, but a country incalculably greater 
because of its rich heritage in the deeds which thus 
left it reunited. As a Nation we are the greater, not 
only for the valor and devotion to duty displayed 
by the men in blue, who won in the great struggle 
for the Union, but also for the valor and the loy- 
alty toward what they regarded as right of the men 
in gray; for this war, thrice fortunate above all 
other recent wars in its outcome, left to all of us 
the right of brotherhood alike with valiant victor 
and valiant vanquished. 

Moreover, our homage must not only find expres- 
sion on our lips ; it must also show itself forth in 
our deeds. It is a great and glorious thing for a 
nation to be stirred to present triumph by the splen- 
did memories of triumphs in the past. But it is a 
shameful thing for a nation, if these memories stir 
it only to empty boastings, to a pride that does not 
shrink from present abasement, to that self-satis- 
faction which accepts the high resolve and unbend- 
ing effort of the father as an excuse for effortless 
ease or wrongly directed effort in the son. We 
of the present, if we are true to the past, must 
show by our lives that we have learned aright the 
lessons taught by the men who did the mighty 
deeds of the past. We must have in us the spirit 
which made the men of the Civil War what they 
were; the spirit which produced leaders such as 



492 Presidential Addresses 

Sherman ; the spirit which gave to the average sol- 
dier the grim tenacity and resourcefulness that 
made the armies of Grant and Sherman as formi- 
dable fighting machines as this world has ever seen. 
We need their ruggedness of body, their keen and 
vigorous minds, and above all their dominant qual- 
ity of forceful character. Their lives teach us in 
our own lives t,o strive after, not the thing which is 
merely pleasant, but the thing which it is our duty 
to do. The life of duty, not the life of mere ease 
or mere pleasure — that is the kind of life which 
makes the great man as it makes the great nation. 

We can not afford to lose the virtues which made 
the men of '61 to '65 great. in war. No man is 
warranted in feeling pride in the deeds of the Army 
and Navy of the past if he does not back up the 
Army and the Navy of the present. If we are far- 
sighted in our patriotism, there will be no let up in 
the work of building, and of keeping at the highest 
point of efficiency, a navy suited to the part the 
United States must hereafter play in the world, 
and of making and keeping our small Regular 
Army, which in the event of a great war can 
never be anything but the nucleus around which 
our volunteer armies must form themselves, the 
best army of its size to be found among the nations. 

So much for our duties in keeping unstained the 
honor roll our fathers made in war. It is of even 
more instant need that we should show their spirit 
of patriotism in the affairs of peace. The duties 
of peace are with us always ; those of war are but 



And State Papers 493 

occasional ; and with a nation as with a man, the 
worthiness of life depends upon the way in which 
the everyday duties are done. The home duties are 
the vital duties. The nation is nothing but the 
aggregate of the families within its border; and if 
the average man is not hard-working, just, and 
fearless in his dealings with those about him, then 
our average of public life will in the end be low ; 
for the stream can rise no higher than its source. 
But in addition we need to remember that a pecu- 
liar responsibility rests upon the man in public life. 
We meet in the capital of the Nation, in the city 
which owes its existence to the fact that it is the 
seat of the National Government. It is well for us 
in this place, and at this time, to remember that 
exactly as there are certain homely qualities the lack 
of which will prevent the most brilliant man alive 
from being a useful soldier to his country, so there 
are certain homely qualities for the lack of which 
in the public servant no shrewdness or ability can 
atone. The greatest leaders, whether in war or in 
peace, must of course show a peculiar quality of 
genius; but the most redoubtable armies that have 
ever existed have been redoubtable because the aver- 
age soldier, the average officer, possessed to a high 
degree such comparatively simple qualities as loy- 
alty, courage, and hardihood. And so the most 
successful governments are those in which the aver- 
age public servant possesses that variant of loyalty 
which we call patriotism, together with common 
sense and honesty. We can as little afford to tol- 



494 Presidential Addresses 

erate a dishonest man in the public service as a 
coward in the army. The murderer takes a single 
life; the corruptionist in public life, whether he be 
bribe giver or bribe taker, strikes at the heart of the 
commonwealth. In every public service, as in every 
army, there will be wrongdoers, there will occur 
misdeeds. This can not be avoided; but vigilant 
watch must be kept, and as soon as discovered the 
wrongdoing must be stopped and the wrongdoers 
punished. Remember that in popular government 
we must rely on the people themselves, alike for 
the punishment and the reformation. Those upon 
whom our institutions cast the initial duty of bring- 
ing malefactors to the bar of justice must be diligent 
in its discharge; yet in the last resort the success 
of their efforts to purge the public service of cor- 
ruption must depend upon the attitude of the courts 
and of the juries drawn from the people. Leader- 
ship is of avail only so far as there is wise and 
resolute public sentiment behind it. 

In the long run, then, it depends upon us ourselves, 
upon us the people as a whole, whether this Govern- 
ment is or is not to stand in the future as it has 
stood in the past ; and my faith that it will show no 
falling off is based upon my faith in the character 
of our average citizenship. The one supreme duty 
is to try to keep this average high. To this end it 
is well to keep alive the memory of those men who 
are fit to serve as examples of what is loftiest and 
best in American citizenship. Such a man was 
General Sherman. To very few in any generation 



And State Papers 495 

is it given to render such services as he rendered; 
but each of us in his degree can try to show some- 
thing of those qualities of character upon which, in 
their sum, the high worth of Sherman rested — his 
courage, his kindliness, his clean and simple living, 
his sturdy good sense, his manliness and tenderness 
in the intimate relations of life, and finally, his in- 
flexible rectitude of soul and his loyalty to all that 
in this free Republic is hallowed and symbolized by 
the national flag. 



AT THE PAN-AMERICAN MISSIONARY SER- 
VICE, CATHEDRAL OF ST. PETER AND ST. 
PAUL, MOUNT ST. ALBAN, WASHINGTON, 
D. C, OCTOBER 25, 1903 

Bishop Satterlec; and to you representatives of the 
Church both at home and abroad; and to all of 
you, my friends and fellow-citizens : 
I extend greeting, and in your name I especially 
welcome those who are in a sense the guests of the 
nation to-day. In what I am about to say to you, 
I wish to dwell upon certain thoughts suggested by 
three different quotations : In the first place, "Thou 
shalt serve the Lord with all thy heart, with all thy 
soul, and with all thy mind;" the next, "Be ye 
therefore wise as serpents and harmless as doves;" 
and finally, in the Collect which you, Bishop Doane, 
just read, that "we being ready both in body and 
soul may cheerfully accomplish those things which 
thou commandest." 



49^ Presidential Addresses 

To an audience such as this I do not have to say 
anything as to serving the cause of decency with 
heart and with soul. I want to dwell, however, 
upon the fact that we have the right to claim from 
you not merely that you shall have heart in your 
work, not merely that you shall put your souls into 
it, but that you shall give the best that your minds 
have to it also. In the eternal, the unending war- 
fare for righteousness and against evil, the friends 
of what is good need to remember that in addition 
to being decent they must be efficient ; that good in- 
tentions, high purposes, can not be in themselves 
effective, that they are in no sense a substitute for 
power to make those purposes, those intentions felt 
in action. Of course we must first have the pur- 
pose and the intention. If our powers are not 
guided aright it is better that we should not have 
them at all ; but we must have the power itself be- 
fore we can guide it aright. 

In the second text we are told not merely to be 
harmless as doves, but also to be wise as serpents. 
One of our American humorists who veils under 
jocular phrases much deep wisdom — one of those 
men has remarked that it is much easier to be a 
harmless dove than a wise serpent. Now, we are 
not to be excused if we do not show both qualities. 
It is not very much praise to give a man to say 
that he is harmless. We have a right to ask that 
in addition to the fact that he does no harm to 
any one he shall possess the wisdom and the strength 
to do good to his neighbor; that together with in- 



And State Papers 497 

nocence, together with purity of motive, shall be 
joined the wisdom and strength to make that purity 
effective, that motive translated into substantial re- 
sult. 

Finally, in the quotation from the Collect, we 
ask that we may be made ready both in body and 
in soul, that we may cheerfully accomplish those 
things that we are commanded to do. Ready both 
in body and in soul; that means that we mtist 
fit ourselves physically and mentally, fit ourselves 
to work with the weapons necessary for dealing 
with this life no less than with the higher, spiritual 
weapons ; fit ourselves thus to do the work com- 
manded; and moreover, to do it cheerfully. Small 
is our use for the man who individually helps any 
of us and shows that he does it grudgingly. We 
had rather not be helped than be helped in such 
fashion. A favor extended in a manner which 
shows that the man is sorry that he has to grant 
it is robbed, sometimes of all, and sometimes of 
more than all, its benefit. So, in serving the Lord, 
if we serve him, if we serve the cause of decency, 
the cause of righteousness, in a way that impresses 
others with the fact that we are sad in doing it, 
our service is robbed of an immense proportion of 
its efficacy. We have a right to ask a cheerful 
heart, a right to ask a buoyant and cheerful spirit 
among those to whom is granted the inestimable 
privilege of doing the Lord's work in this world. 
The chance to do work, the duty to do work is not 
a penalty ; it is a privilege. Let me quote a sen- 

5— Vol. XIV 



498 Presidential Addresses 

tcnce that I have quoted once before : "In this life 
the man who wins to any goal worth winning almost 
always comes to that goal with a burden bound on 
his shoulders." The man who does best in this world, 
the woman who does best, almost inevitably does 
it because he or she carries some burden. Life is 
so constituted that the man or the woman who has 
not some responsibility is thereby deprived of the 
deepest happiness that can come to mankind, be- 
cause each and every one of us, if he or she is fit to 
live in the world must be conscious that responsi- 
bility always rests on him or on her — the responsi- 
bility of duty toward those dependent upon us; the 
responsibility of duty toward our families, toward 
our friends, toward our fellow-citizens ; the respon- 
sibility of duty to wife and child, to the state, to the 
church. Not only can no man shirk some or all of 
those responsibilities, but no man worth his salt will 
wish to shirk them. On the contrary, he will wel- 
come thrice over the fortune that puts them upon 
him. 

In closing, I want to call your attention to some- 
thing that is especially my business for the time 
being, and that is measurably your business all the 
time, or else you are unfit to be citizens of this 
Republic. In the seventh hymn which we sung, in 
the last line, you all joined in singing "God save the 
State!" Do you intend merely to sing that, or to 
try to do it? If you intend merely to sing it, your 
part in doing it will be but small. The State will 
be saved, if the Lord puts it into the heart of the 



And State Papers 499 

average man so to shape his life that the State shall 
be worth saving, and only on those terms. We 
need civic righteousness. The best constitution that 
the wit of man has ever devised, the best institu- 
tions that the ablest statesmen in the world have 
ever reduced to practice by law or by custom, all 
these shall be of no avail if they are not vivified 
by the spirit which makes a State great by making 
its citizens honest, just, and brave. I do not ask 
you as practical believers in applied Christianity to 
take part one way or the other in matters that are 
merely partisan. There are plenty of questions 
about which honest men can and do differ very 
greatly and very intensely, but as to which the 
triumph of either side may be compatible Avith the 
welfare of the State — a lesser degree of welfare or 
a greater degree of welfare — but compatible with 
the welfare of the State. But there are certain 
great principles, such as those which Cromwell 
would have called "fundamentals," concerning which 
no man has a right to have more than one opinion. 
Such a question is honesty. If you have not hon- 
esty in the average private citizen, in the average 
public servant, then all else goes for nothing. The 
abler a man is, the more dexterous, the shrewder, 
the bolder, why the more dangerous he is if he has 
not the root of right living and right thinking in 
him — and that in private life, and even more in 
public life. Exactly as in time of war, although 
you need in each fighting man far more than cour- 
age, yet all else counts for nothing if there is not 



500 Presidential Addresses 

that courage upon which to base it, so in our civil 
life, although we need that the average man in 
private life, that the average public servant, shall 
have far more than honesty, yet all other qualities 
go for nothing or for worse than nothing unless 
honesty underlies them — honesty in public life and 
honesty in private life ; not only the honesty that 
keeps its skirts technically clear, but the honesty that 
is such according to the spirit as well as the letter 
of the law ; the honesty that is aggressive, the hon- 
esty that not merely deplores corruption — it is easy 
enough to deplore corruption — but that wars against 
it and tramples it under foot. I ask for that type 
of honesty, I ask for militant honesty, for the hon- 
esty of the kind that makes those who have it dis- 
contented with themselves as long as they have 
failed to do everything that in them lies to stamp 
out dishonesty wherever it can be found, in high 
place or in low. And let us not flatter ourselves, 
we who live in countries where the people rule that 
it is ultimately possible for the people to cast upon 
any but themselves the responsibilities for the shape 
the government and the social and political life of 
the community assumes. I ask then that our peo- 
ple feel quickened within them burning indignation 
against wrong in every shape, and condemnation of 
that wrong, whether found in private or in public 
life. We have a right to demand courage of every 
man who wears the uniform ; it is not so much a 
credit to him to have it as it is shame unutterable 
to him if he lacks it. So when we demand honesty, 



And State Papers 501 

we demand it not as entitling the possessor to 
praise, but as warranting the heartiest condemna- 
tion possible if he lacks it. Surely in every move- 
ment for the betterment of our life, our life social 
in the truest and deepest sense, our life political, we 
have a special right to ask not merely support but 
leadership from those of the Church. We ask that 
you here to whom much has been given will re- 
member that from you rightly much will be ex- 
pected in return. For all of us here the lines have 
been cast in pleasant places. Each of us has been 
given one talent, or five, or ten talents, and each of 
us is in honor bound to use that talent or those 
talents aright, and to show at the end that he is 
entitled to the praise of having done well as a faith- 
ful servant. 

I greet you this afternoon, and am glad to see 
you here, and I trust and believe that after this 
service every one of us will go home feeling that 
he or she has been warranted in coming here by 
the way in which he or she, after going home, takes 
up with fresh heart, with fresh courage, and with 
fresh and higher purpose the burden of life as that 
burden has been given to him or to her to carry. 

AT THE CENTENNIAL EXERCISES IN THE 

N. Y. AVENUE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 

WASHINGTON, D. C, NOV. 16, 1903 

Mr. Justice: 

Let me first express the appreciation that all of 
us feel to Professor McMaster for his exceedingly 



502 Presidential Addresses 

interesting address ; and the address showed why he 
can justly claim to be the historian of the people of 
the United States, for what he has told us was what 
the people did, not merely what the outward forms 
and observances were, but what the life of the peo- 
ple was a century ago. And, Mr. Justice, I think 
that the recital has left in the minds of all of us 
the feeling that while we revere our ancestors, we 
are not wholly discontented that we, live in the pres- 
ent day. 

To each generation comes its allotted task ; and 
no generation is to be excused for failure to per- 
form that task. No generation can claim as an ex- 
cuse for such failure the fact that it is not guilty 
of the sins of the preceding generation. It was a 
surprise to me, I suppose it was a surprise to many 
of us, to realize that a hundred years ago, in the 
days of the fathers, the lot of the poor debtor was 
so hard. It seems incredible to us now that there 
should have been such callousness to the undeserved 
human suffering then. I hope sincerely that a cen- 
tury hence it will seem equally incredible to the 
American of that generation that there should be 
corruption and venality in public life. We can di- 
vide, and must divide, on party lines as regards 
certain questions ; as regards the deepest, as regards 
the vital questions, we can not afford to divide, and 
I have the right to challenge the best effort of every 
American worthy of the name to putting down by 
every means in his power corruption in private life, 
and above all corruption in public life. And, re- 



And State Papers 503 

member, you, the people of this government by the 
people, that while the public servant, the legislator, 
the executive officer, the judge, are not to be ex- 
cused if they fall short of their duty, yet that their 
doing their duty can not avail unless you do yours. 
In the last resort we have to depend upon the jury 
drawn from the people to convict the scoundrel who 
has tainted our public life; and unless that jury 
does its duty, unless it is backed by the public 
sentiment of the people, all the work of legis- 
lator, of executive officer, of judicial officer, are 
for naught. 

Mr. Justice, a man would be a poor citizen of this 
country if he could sit in Abraham Lincoln's pew 
and not feel the solemn sense of the associations 
borne in upon him ; and I wish to thank the people 
of this church for that reverence for the historic 
past, for the sense of historic continuity, which has 
made them keep this pew unchanged. I hope it 
will remain unchanged in this church as long as 
our country endures. We have not too many 
monuments of the past ; let us keep every little 
bit of association with that which is highest and 
best of the past as a reminder to us, equally of 
what we owe to those who have gone before and of 
how we should show our appreciation. This even- 
ing I sit in this pew of Abraham Lincoln's, to- 
gether with Abraham Lincoln's private secretary, 
who, for my good fortune, now serves as Secretary 
of State in my Cabinet. 

If ever there lived a President who during his 



504 Presidential Addresses 

term of service needed all of the consolation and 
of the strength that he could draw from the unseen 
powers above him, it was Abraham Lincoln, who 
worked and suffered for the people, and when he 
had lived for them to good end gave his life at the 
end. If ever there was a man who practically ap- 
plied what was taught in our churches, it was Abra- 
ham Lincoln. The other day I was rereading — on 
the suggestion of Mr. Hay — a little speech not often 
quoted of his, yet which seems to me one of the 
most remarkable that he ever made ; delivered right 
after his re-election, I think, to a body of serenaders 
who had come, if my memory is correct, from Mary- 
land, and called for an address from him from the 
White House. It is extraordinary to read that 
speech, and to realize that the man who made it 
had just come successfully through a great political 
contest in which he felt that so much was at stake 
for the Nation that he had no time to think whether 
or not anything was at stake for himself. The 
speech is devoid of the least shade of bitterness. 
There is not a word of unseemly triumph over those 
who have been defeated. There is not a word of 
glorification of himself, or in any improper sense 
of his party. There is an earnest appeal, now that 
the election is over, now that the civic strife has 
been completed, for all decent men who love the 
country to join together in service to the country; 
and in the speech he uses a thoroughly Lincoln-like 
phrase when he says "I have not willingly planted 
a thorn in the breast of any man," thus trying to 



And State Papers 505 

make clear that he has nothing to say against any 
opponent, no bitterness toward any opponent ; that 
all he wishes is that those who opposed him should 
join with those who favored him in working toward 
a common end. In reading his works and ad- 
dresses, one is struck by the fact that as he went 
higher and higher all personal bitterness seemed to 
die out of him. In the Lincoln-Douglas debates one 
can still catch now and then a note of personal an- 
tagonism ; the man was in the arena, and as the 
blows were given and taken you can see that now 
and then he had a feeling against his antagonist. 
When he became President and faced the crisis that 
he had to face, from that time on I do not think that 
you can find an expression, a speech, a word of Lin- 
coln's, written or spoken, in which bitterness is 
shown to any man. His devotion to the cause was 
so great that he neither could nor would have feel- 
ing against any individual. 

In closing, Mr. Justice, in thanking you of this 
church, the church so closely kindred to my own 
Dutch Reformed Church, in thanking you for 
asking me here, let me say how peculiarly glad 
I am that in the chair sits one man, a Justice of 
the Supreme Court, and that I could be escorted 
here by another man, who has just severed his con- 
nection with one of the highest places in the United 
States Army, both of whom — you, Justice Harlan, 
you. General Breckinridge — had enjoyed the won- 
derful privilege of proving by their deeds the faith 
that was in them in the days that tried men's souls; 



506 Presidential Addresses 

both of whom did their part in holding up the hands 
of mighty Lincoln, and both of whom were born in 
the State of Lincoln's birth. 

REMARKS' TO THE DELEGATES OF THE GER- 
MAN SOCIETIES RECEIVED AT THE WHITE 
HOUSE, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1903 

Mr. Voclckncr, and Gentlemen: 

It gives me peculiar pleasure to greet you to-day; 
and it is a matter of real regret to me that I can 
not attend formally your celebration. 

You are quite right, Mr. Chairman, when you 
speak of the stand that the German element in our 
citizenship has always taken in all crises of our 
national life. In the first place, from the beginning 
of our colonial history to this day, the German 
strain has been constantly increasing in importance 
among the many strains that go to make up our 
composite national character. I do not have to 
repeat to you the story of the early German im- 
migration to this country — the German immigra- 
tion that began in a mass toward the end of the 
seventeenth century, but before that time had been 
represented among the very first settlers. Allow 
me to give you one bit of ancestral experience of 
mine. The first head of the New York City Gov- 
ernment who was of German birth was Leisler, 
about the year 1680. He was the representative 
of the popular faction in the New York colony of 
that day, and among the Leislerian aldermen was 
a forbear of mine named Roosevelt. You are en- 



And State Papers 507 

tirely familiar, of course, with the German immi- 
gration that went to the formation of Pennsylvania 
from the beginning". That element was equally 
strong in the Mohawk Valley in New York; it 
was equally strong in Middle and Western Mary- 
land. For instance, in the Revolutionary War, one 
of the distinguished figures contributed by New 
York to the cause of independence was that of the 
German Herkimer, whose fight in the Mohawk Val- 
ley represented one of the turning points in the 
struggle for independence; and one of the New 
York counties is now named after him. The other 
day I went out to the battlefield of Antietam, here 
in Maryland. There the Memorial Church is the 
German Lutheran Church, which was founded in 
1768, the settlement in the neighborhood of An- 
tietam being originally exclusively a German set- 
tlement. There is a list of its pastors, and curi- 
ously enough a series of memorial windows of men 
with German names — men who belonged to the 
Maryland regiment recruited largely from that re- 
gion for the Civil War, which Maryland regiment 
was mainly composed of men of German extraction. 
In the Civil War it would be difficult to paint in too 
strong colors what I may well-nigh call the all- 
importance of the attitude of the American citizens 
of German birth and extraction toward the cause 
of Union and Liberty, especially in what were then 
known as the border States. It would have been 
out of the question to have kept Missouri loyal 
had it not been for the German element therein. 



508 Presidential Addresses 

It was the German portion of the city of St. Louis 
which formed the core of the Union cause in Mis- 
souri. And but little less important was the part 
played by the Germans in Maryland, and also in 
Louisville and other portions of Kentucky. 

Each body of immigrants, each element that has 
thus been added to our national strain, has contri- 
buted something of value to the national character; 
and to no element do we owe more than we owe 
to that element represented by those whom I have 
the honor this day of addressing. 



White House, Washington, 
October 18, 1902 

My dear Mrs. Van Vorst : 

I must write you a line to say how much I have 
appreciated your article, "The Woman who Toils." 
But to me there is a most melancholy side to it, 
when you touch upon what is fundamentally infi- 
nitely more important than any other question in this 
country — that is, the question of race suicide, com- 
plete or partial. 

An easy, good-natured kindliness, and a desire to 
be "independent," that is, to live one's life purely 
according to one's own desires, are in no sense sub- 
stitutes for the fundamental virtues, for the prac- 
tice of the strong racial qualities without which 
there can be no strong races — the qualities of cour- 
age and resolution in both men and women, of 
scorn of what is mean, base, and selfish, of eager 



And State Papers 509 

desire to work or fight or suffer as the case may 
be, provided the end to be gained is great enough, 
and the contemptuous putting aside of mere ease, 
mere vapid pleasure, mere avoidance of toil and 
worry. I do not know whether I most pity or 
despise the foolish and selfish man or woman who 
does not understand that the only things really worth 
having in life are those the acquirement of which 
normally means cost and effort. If a man or 
woman, through no fault of his or hers, goes 
throughout life denied those highest of all joys 
which spring only from home life, from the having 
and bringing up of many healthy children, I feel 
for them deep and respectful sympathy; the sym- 
pathy one extends to the gallant fellow killed at the 
beginning of a campaign, or the man who toils hard 
and is brought to ruin by the fault of others. But 
the man or woman who deliberately avoids mar- 
riage and has a heart so cold as to know no passion 
and a brain so shallow and selfish as to dislike 
having children, is in effect a criminal against the 
race and should be an object of contemptuous ab- 
horrence by all healthy people. 

Of course no one quality makes a good citizen, 
and no one quality will save a nation. But there 
are certain great qualities for the lack of which no 
amount of intellectual brilliancy or of material pros- 
perity or of easiness of life can atone, and which 
show decadence and corruption in the nation, just 
as much if they are produced by selfishness and 
coldness and ease-loving laziness among compara- 



510 Presidential Addresses 

tively poor people as if they are produced by vicious 
or frivolous luxury in the rich. If the men of the 
nation are not anxious to work in many different 
ways, with all their might and strength, and ready 
and able to fight at need, and anxious to be fathers 
of families, and if the women do not recognize that 
the greatest thing for any woman is to be a good 
wife and mother, why. that nation has cause to be 
alarmed about its future. 

There is no physical trouble among us Ameri- 
cans. The trouble with the situation you set forth 
is one of character, and therefore we can conquer 
it if we only will. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt 

Mrs. Bessie Van Vorst, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 



Personal. White House, Washington, 

, , _ November 26, 1002 

My dear Sir : 

I am in receipt of your letter of November 10 

and of one from Mr. under date of November 

11, in reference to the appointment of Dr. Crum 
as collector of the Port of Charleston. 

In your letter you make certain specific charges 
against Dr. Crum, tending to show his unfitness in 
several respects for the office sought. These charges 
are entitled to the utmost consideration from me 
and I shall go over them carefully before taking 
any action. After making these charges you add, 



And State Papers 511 

as a further reason for opposition to him, that he 
is a colored man, and after reciting the misdeeds 
that followed carpet-bag rule and negro domina- 
tion in South Carolina, you say that "we have sworn 
never again to submit to the rule of the African, 
and such an appointment as that of Dr. Crum to 
any such office forces us to protest unanimously 
against this insult to the white blood"; and you add 
that you understood me to say that I would never 
force a negro on such a community as yours. Mr. 

puts the objection of color first, saying: "First, 

he is a colored man, and that of itself ought to 
bar him from the office." In view of these last 
statements, I think I ought to make clear to you 
why I am concerned and pained by your making 
them and what my attitude is as regards all such 
appointments. How any one could have gained the 
idea that I had said I would not appoint reputable 
and upright colored men to office, when objection was 
made to them solely on account of their color, I con- 
fess I am wholly unable to understand. At the time 
of my visit to Charleston last spring, I had made, 
and since that time I have made, a number of such 
appointments from several States in which there is 
a considerable colored population. For example, I 
made one such appointment in Mississippi, and an- 
other in Alabama, shortly before my visit to Charles- 
ton. I had at that time appointed two colored men 
as judicial magistrates in the District of Columbia. 
I have recently announced another such appoint- 
ment for New Orleans, and have just made one 



5>2 Presidential Addresses 

from Pennsylvania. The great majority of my 
appointments in every State have been of white 
men. North and South alike it has been my sedu- 
lous endeavor to appoint only men of high charac- 
ter and good capacity, whether white or black. But 
it has been my consistent policy in every State where 
their numbers warranted it to recognize colored men 
of good repute and standing in making appoint- 
ments to office. These appointments of colored men 
have in no State made more than a small proportion 
of the total number of appointments. I am unable 
to see how I can legitimately be asked to make an 
exception for South Carolina. In South Carolina, 
to the four most important positions in the State 
I have appointed three men and continued in office 
a fourth, all of them white men — three of them 
originally Gold Democrats — two of them, as I am 
informed, the sons of Confederate soldiers. I have 
been informed by the citizens of Charleston whom I 
have met that these four men represent a high grade 
of public service. 

I do not intend to appoint any unfit man to office. 
So far as I legitimately can I shall always endeavor 
to pay regard to the wishes and feelings of the 
people of each locality ; but I can not consent to take 
the position that the door of hope — the door of op- 
portunity — is to be shut upon any man, no matter 
how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or 
color. Such an attitude would, according to my 
convictions, be fundamentally wrong. If, as you 
hold, the great bulk of the colored people are not 



And State Papers 513 

yet fit in point of character and influence to hold 
such positions, it seems to me that it is worth while 
putting a premium upon the effort among them to 
achieve the character and standing which will fit 
them. 

The question of "negro domination" does not 
enter into the matter at all. It might as well be 
asserted that when I was Governor of New York 
I sought to bring about negro domination in that 
State because I appointed two colored men of good 
character and standing to responsible positions — 
one of them to a position paying a salary twice as 
large as that paid in the office now under considera- 
tion — one of them as a director of the Buffalo ex- 
position. The question raised by you and Mr. 

in the statements to which I refer, is simply whether 
it is to be declared that under no circumstances 
shall any man of color, no matter how upright and 
honest, no matter how good a citizen, no matter 
how fair in his dealings with his fellows, be per- 
mitted to hold any office under our government. 
I certainly can not assume such an attitude, and 
you must permit me to say that in my view it is 
an attitude no man should assume, whether he looks 
at it from the standpoint of the true interest of 
the white men of the South or of the colored men 
of the South — not to speak of any other section of 
the Union. It seems to me that it is a good thing 
from every standpoint to let the colored man know 
that if he shows in marked degree the qualities of 
good citizenship — the qualities which in a white 



514 Presidential Addresses 

man we feel are entitled to reward — then he will 
not be cut off from all hope of similar reward. 

Without any regard to what my decision may 
be on the merits of this particular applicant for this 
particular place, I feel that I ought to let you know 
clearly my attitude on the far broader question 

raised by you and Mr. ; an attitude from 

which I have not varied during my term of office. 
Faithfully yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

Hon. 

Charleston, S. C. 



White House, Washington, 
February 24, 1903 

My dear Mr. Howell : 

I have a high opinion of the gentleman you men- 
tion and if the opportunity occurs I shall be glad 
to do anything I can for him. 

Now as to what you say concerning Federal ap- 
pointments in the South. Frankly, it seems to me 
that my appointments speak for themselves and 
that my policy is self-explanatory. So far from 
feeling that they need the slightest apology or jus- 
tification, my position is that on the strength of 
what I have done I have the right to claim the 
support of all good citizens who wish not only a 
high standard of Federal service but fair and equi- 
table dealing to the South as well as to the North, 
and a policy of consistent justice and good-will 



And State Papers 515 

toward all men. In making appointments I have 
sought to consider the feelings of the people of each 
locality so far as I could consistently do so with- 
out sacrificing principle. The prime tests I have 
applied have been those of character, fitness and 
ability, and when I have been dissatisfied with what 
has been offered within my own party lines I have 
without hesitation gone to the opposite party — and 
you are of course aware that I have repeatedly done 
this in your own State of Georgia. I certainly can 
not treat mere color as a permanent bar to hold- 
ing office, any more than I could so treat creed or 
birthplace — always provided that in other respects 
the applicant or incumbent is a worthy and well- 
behaved American citizen. Just as little will I treat 
it as conferring a right to hold office. I have scant 
sympathy with the mere doctrinaire, with the man 
of mere theory who refuses to face facts; but do 
you not think that in the long run it is safer for 
everybody if we act on the motto "All men up," 
rather than that of "Some men down"? 

I ask you to judge not by what I say but by what 
during the last seventeen months I have actually 
done. In your own State of Georgia you are com- 
petent to judge from your own experience. In the 
great bulk of the cases I have reappointed President 
McKinley's appointees. The changes I have made, 
such as that in the postmastership at Athens and in 
the surveyorship at Atlanta, were, as I think you 
will agree, changes for the better and not for the 
worse. It happens that in each of these offices I 



516 Presidential Addresses 

have appointed a white man to succeed a colored 
man. In South Carolina I have similarly appointed 
a white postmaster to succeed a colored postmaster. 
Again, in South Carolina I have nominated a col- 
ored man to fill a vacancy in the position of col- 
lector of the port of Charleston, just as in Georgia 
I have reappointed the colored man who is now 
serving as collector of the port of Savannah. Both 
are fit men. Why the appointment of one should 
cause any more excitement than the appointment of 
the other, I am wholly at a loss to imagine. As I 
am writing to a man of keen and trained intelli- 
gence I need hardly say that to connect either of 
these appointments, or any or all of my other ap- 
pointments, or my actions in upholding the law at 
Indianola, with such questions as "social equality" 
and "negro domination" is as absurd as to connect 
them with the nebular hypothesis or the theory of 
atoms. 

I have consulted freely with your own Senators 
and Congressmen as to the character and capacity 
of any appointee in Georgia concerning whom there 
was question. My party advisers in the State have 
been Major Hanson of Macon, Mr. Walter John- 
son of Atlanta — both of them ex-Confederate sol- 
diers — and Mr. Harry Stillwell Edwards, also of 
Macon. I believe von will agree with me that in 
no State would it be possible to find gentlemen abler 
and more upright or better qualified to fill the posi- 
tions they have filled with reference to me. In 
every instance where these gentlemen have united 



And State Papers 517 

in making a recommendation I have been able to 
follow their advice. Am I not right in saying that 
the Federal office-holders whom I have appointed 
throughout your State are, as a body, men and 
women of a high order of efficiency and integrity? 
If you know of any Federal office-holder in Georgia 
of whom this is not true pray let me know at once. 
I will welcome testimony from you or from any 
other reputable citizen which will tend to show that 
a given public officer is unworthy; and, most em- 
phatically, short will be the shrift of any one whose 
lack of worth is proven. Incidentally I may men- 
tion that a large percentage of the incumbents of 
Federal offices in Georgia under me are, as I un- 
derstand it, of your own political faith. But they 
are supported by me in every way as long as they 
continue to render good and faithful service to 
the public. 

This is true of your own State; and by applying 
to Mr. Thomas Nelson Page of Virginia, to Gen- 
eral Basil Duke of Kentucky, to Mr. George Craw- 
ford of Tennessee, to Mr. John Mcllhenny of 
Louisiana, to Judge Jones of Alabama, and Mr. 
Edgar L. Wilson of Mississippi, all of them Demo- 
crats and all of them men of the highest standing 
in their respective communities, you will find that 
what I have done in Georgia stands not as the ex- 
ception but as the rule for what I have done through- 
out the South. I have good reason to believe that 
my appointees in the different States mentioned — 
and as the sum of the parts is the whole, necessarily 



5i 8 Presidential Addresses 

in the South at large — represent not merely an im- 
provement upon those whose places they took, but 
upon the whole a higher standard of Federal service 
than has hitherto been attained in the communities 
in question. I may add that the proportion of col- 
ored men among these new appointees is only about 
one in a hundred. 

In view of all these facts I have been surprised, 
and somewhat pained, at what seems to me the in- 
comprehensible outcry in the South about my ac- 
tions — an outcry apparently started in New York 
for reasons wholly unconnected with the question 
nominally at issue. I am concerned at the attitude 
thus taken by so many of the Southern people; but 
I am not in the least angry; and still less will this 
attitude have the effect of making me swerve one 
hair's breadth, to one side or the other, from the 
course I have marked out — the course I have con- 
sistently followed in the past and shall consistently 
follow in the future. 

With regard, 

Sincerely yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt. 
Hon. Clark Howell, 

Editor, "The Constitution," 
Atlanta, Ga. 



On May 18, 1903, William A. Miller was re- 
moved by the Public Printer from his position of 
Assistant Foreman at the Government Printing Of- 
fice. Mr. Miller filed a complaint with the Civil 



And State Papers 519 

Service Commission alleging that his removal had 
been made in violation of the civil service law and 
rules. After an investigation of the complaint, 
and upon July 6th, the Civil Service Commis- 
sion advised the Public Printer of its decision as 
follows : 

"Section 2 of Civil Service Rule XII, governing 
removals, provides that no person shall be removed 
from a competitive position except for such cause 
as will promote the efficiency of the public service. 
The Commission does not consider expulsion from 
a labor union, being the action of a body is no 
way connected with the public service nor having 
authority over public employees, to be such a 
cause as will promote the efficiency of the public 
service. 

"As the only reason given by you for your re- 
moval of Mr. Miller is that he was expelled from 
Local Union No. 4, International Brotherhood of 
Bookbinders, you are advised that the Commission 
can not recognize his removal and must request that 
he be reassigned to duty in his position." 

Mr. Miller's complaint had also been filed with 
the President, under whose direction it was being 
investigated by the Secretary of Commerce and La- 
bor simultaneously with the investigation by the 
Civil Service Commission. As a result of such in- 
vestigations, the following letters, under dates of 
July 13th and 14th, 1903, were written by the 
President : 



i-o Presidential Addresses 

Oyster Bay, N. Y. 
July is, 1903 

My dear Secretary Cortelyou : 

In accordance with the letter of the Civil Service 
Commission of July 6th, the Public Printer will re- 
instate Mr. W. A. Miller in his position. Mean- 
while I will withhold my final decision of the whole 
case until I have received the report of the investi- 
gation on Miller's second communication, which you 
notify me has been begun to-day, July 13th. 

On the face of the papers presented, Miller would 
appear to have been removed in violation of law. 
There is no objection to the employees of the Gov- 
ernment Printing Office constituting themselves into 
a union if they so desire ; but no rules or resolutions 
of that union can be permitted to over-ride the laws 
of the United States, which it is my sworn duty to 
enforce. 

Please communicate a copy of this letter to the 

Public Printer for his information and that of his 

subordinates. 

Very truly yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

Hon. George B. Cortelyou, 

Secretary of Commerce and Labor. 



Oyster Bay, N. Y. 
July 14, 1903 

My dear Mr. Cortelyou : 

In connection with my letter of yesterday I call 
attention to this judgment and award by the An- 



And State Papers 521 

thracite Coal Strike Commission in its report to me 
of March 18th last: 

It is adjudged and awarded that no person shall 
be refused employment or in any way discriminated 
against on account of membership or non-member- 
ship in any labor organization, and that there shall 
be no discrimination against or interference with 
any employee who is not a member of any labor 
organization by members of such organization. 

I heartily approve of this award and judgment 
by the commission appointed by me, which itself 
included a member of a labor union. This com- 
mission was dealing with labor organizations work- 
ing for private employers. It is of course mere 
elementary decency to require that all the Govern- 
ment departments shall be handled in accordance 
with the principle thus clearly and fearlessly enun- 
ciated. 

Please furnish a copy of this letter both to Mr. 

Palmer and to the Civil Service Commission for 

their guidance. 

Sincerely yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

Hon. Geo. B. Cortelyou, 

Secretary of Commerce and Labor. 



September 29, 1903 
Pursuant to the request of Samuel Gompers, 
President of the American Federation of Labor, the 
President granted an interview this evening to the 

6— Vol. XIV 



522 Presidential Addresses 

following members of the executive council of that 
body : Mr. Samuel Gompers, Mr. James Duncan, 
Mr. John Mitchell, Mr. James O'Connell and Mr. 
Frank Morrison, at which various subjects of legis- 
lation in the interest of labor, as well as executive 
action, were discussed. Concerning the case of Wil- 
liam A. Miller the President made the following 
statement : 

I thank you and your committee for your cour- 
tesy, and I appreciate the opportunity to meet with 
you. It will always be a pleasure to see you or any 
representatives of your organizations or of your 
Federation as a whole. 

As regards the Miller case, I have little to add to 
what I have already said. In dealing with it I ask 
you to rememl>er that I am dealing purely with the 
relation of the Government to its employees. I 
must govern my action by the laws of the land, 
which I am sworn to administer, and which dif- 
ferentiate any case in which the Government of the 
United States is a party from all other cases what- 
soever. These laws are enacted for the benefit of 
the whole people, and can not and must not be 
construed as permitting discrimination against some 
of the people. I am President of all the people of the 
United States, without regard to creed, color, birth- 
place, occupation, or social condition. My aim is to 
do equal and exact justice as among them all. In 
the employment and dismissal of men in the Gov- 
ernment service I can no more recognize the fact that 
a man does or does not belong to a union as being 



And State Papers 523 

for or against him than I can recognize the fact 
that he is a Protestant or a Catholic, a Jew or a 
Gentile, as being for or against him. 

In the communications sent me by various labor 
organizations protesting against the retention of 
Miller in the Government Printing Office, the 
grounds alleged are twofold: 1, that he is a non- 
union man ; 2, that he is not personally fit. The ques- 
tion of his personal fitness is one to be settled in the 
routine of administrative detail, and can not be al- 
lowed to conflict with or to complicate the larger 
question of governmental discrimination for or 
against him or any other man because he is or is not 
a member of a union. This is the only question now 
before me for decision; and as to this my decision 
is final. 



Oyster Bay, N. Y. 
August 6, 1903 
My dear Governor Durbin : 

Permit me to thank you as an American citizen for 
the admirable way in which you have vindicated the 
majesty of the law by your recent action in reference 
to lynching. I feel, my dear sir, that you have made 
all men your debtors who believe, as all far-seeing 
men must, that the well-being, indeed the very 
existence, of the Republic depends upon that spirit 
of orderly liberty under the law which is as incom- 
patible with mob violence as with any form of des- 
potism. Of course mob violence is simply one 
form of anarchy; and anarchy is now, as it al- 



524 Presidential Addresses 

ways has been, the handmaiden and forerunner 
of tyranny. 

I feel that you have not only reflected honor upon 
the State which for its good fortune has you as its 
Chief Executive, but upon the whole nation. It is 
incumbent upon every man throughout this country 
not only to hold up your hands in the course you 
have been following, but to show his realization 
that the matter is one which is of vital concern 
to us all. 

All thoughtful men must feel the gravest alarm 
over the growth of lynching in this country, and es- 
pecially over the peculiarly hideous forms so often 
taken by mob violence when colored men are the vic- 
tims — on which occasions the mob seems to lay most 
weight, not on the crime, but on the color of the 
crinimal. In a certain proportion of these cases the 
man lynched has been guilty of a crime horrible be- 
yond description ; a crime so horrible that as far as 
he himself is concerned he has forfeited the right to 
any kind of sympathy whatsoever. The feeling of 
all good citizens that such a hideous crime shall not 
be hideously punished by mob violence is due not 
in the least to sympathy for the criminal, but to a 
very lively sense of the train of dreadful conse- 
quences which follows the course taken by the mob in 
exacting inhuman vengeance for an inhuman wrong. 
In such cases, moreover, it is well to remember that 
the criminal not merely sins against humanity in in- 
expiable and unpardonable fashion, but sins par- 
ticularly against his own race, and does them a 



And State Papers 525 

wrong - far greater than any white man can possibly 
do them. Therefore, in such cases the colored peo- 
ple throughout the land should in every possible way 
show their belief that they, more than all others in 
the community, are horrified at the commission of 
such a crime and are peculiarly concerned in taking 
every possible measure to prevent its recurrence and 
to bring the criminal to immediate justice. The 
slightest lack of vigor either in denunciation of the 
crime or in bringing the criminal to justice is itself 
unpardonable. 

Moreover, every effort should be made under the 
law to expedite the proceedings of justice in the case 
of such an awful crime. But it can not be necessary 
in order to accomplish this to deprive any citizen of 
those fundamental rights to be heard in his own de- 
fence which are so dear to us all and which lie at the 
root of our liberty. It certainly ought to be possible 
by the proper administration of the laws to secure 
swift vengeance upon the criminal ; and the best and 
immediate efforts of all legislators, judges, and citi- 
zens should be addressed to securing such reforms in 
our legal procedure as to leave no vestige of excuse 
for those misguided men who undertake to reap ven- 
geance through violent methods. 

Men who have been guilty of a crime like rape or 
murder should be visited with swift and certain pun- 
ishment, and the just effort made by the courts to 
protect them in their rights should under no circum- 
stances be perverted into permitting any mere tech- 
nicality to avert or delay their punishment. The 



526 Presidential Addresses 

substantial rights of the prisoner to a fair trial must 
of course be guaranteed, as you have so justly in- 
sisted that they should be; but, subject to this guar- 
antee, the law must work swiftly and surely, and all 
the agents of the law should realize the wrong they 
do when they permit justice to be delayed or 
thwarted for technical or insufficient reasons. We 
must show that the law is adequate to deal with 
crime by freeing it from every vestige of technicality 
and delay. 

But the fullest recognition of the horror of the 
crime and the most complete lack of sympathy with 
the criminal can not in the least diminish our horror 
at the way in which it has become customary to 
avenge these crimes and at the consequences that are 
already proceeding therefrom. It is of course inevi- 
table that where vengeance is taken by a mob it 
should frequently light on innocent people; and the 
wrong done in such a case to the individual is one 
for which there is no remedy. But even where the 
real criminal is reached, the wrong done by the mob 
to the community itself is wellnigh as great. Espe- 
cially is this true where the lynching is accompanied 
with torture. There are certain hideous sights which 
when once seen can never be wholly erased from the 
mental retina. The mere fact of having seen them 
implies degradation. This is a thousandfold stronger 
when instead of merely seeing the deed the man has 
participated in it. Whoever in any part of our coun- 
try has ever taken part in lawlessly putting to death 
a criminal by the dreadful torture of fire must for- 



And State Papers 527 

ever after have the awful spectacle of his own handi- 
work seared into his brain, and soul. He can never 
again be the same man. 

This matter of lynching would be a terrible thing 
even if it stopped with the lynching of men guilty of 
the inhuman and hideous crime of rape ; but as a 
matter of fact, lawlessness of this type never does 
stop and never can stop in such fashion. Every vio- 
lent man in the community is encouraged by every 
case of lynching in which the lynchers go unpun- 
ished to himself take the law into his own hands 
whenever it suits his own convenience. In the same 
way the use of torture by the mob in certain cases is 
sure to spread until it is applied more or less indis- 
criminately in other cases. The spirit of lawlessness 
grows with what it feeds on, and when mobs with im- 
punity lynch criminals for one cause, they are certain 
to begin to lynch real or alleged criminals for other 
causes. In the recent cases of lynching, over three- 
fourths were not for rape at all, but for murder, at- 
tempted murder, and even less heinous offences. 
Moreover, the history of these recent cases shows the 
awful fact that when the minds of men are habitu- 
ated to the use of torture by lawless bodies to avenge 
crimes of a peculiarly revolting description, other 
lawless bodies will use torture in order to punish 
crimes of an ordinary type. Surely no patriot can 
fail to see the fearful brutalization and debasement 
which the indulgence of such a spirit and such prac- 
tices inevitably portends. Surely all public men, all 
writers for the daily press, all clergymen, all teachers, 



528 Presidential Addresses 

all who in any way have a right to address the pub- 
lic, should with every energy unite to denounce such 
crimes and to support those engaged in putting them 
down. As a people we claim the right to speak with 
peculiar emphasis for freedom and for fair treatment 
of all men without regard to differences of race, 
fortune, creed, or color. We forfeit the right so to 
speak when we commit or condone such crimes as 
these of which I speak. 

The nation, like the individual, can not commit a 
crime with impunity. If we are guilty of lawlessness 
and brutal violence, whether our guilt consists in ac- 
tive participation therein or in mere connivance and 
encouragement, we shall assuredly suffer later on be- 
cause of what we have done. The cornerstone of 
this Republic, as of all free government, is respect for 
and obedience to the law. Where we permit the law 
to be defied or evaded, whether by rich man or poor 
man, by black man or white, we are by just so much 
weakening the bonds of our civilization and increas- 
ing the chances of its overthrow, and of the substitu- 
tion therefor of a system in which there shall be vio- 
lent alternations of anarchy and tyranny. 

Sincerely yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt. 
Hon. YVinfield T. Durbin, 
Governor of Indiana, 
Indianapolis, Ind. 



And State Papers 529 



MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
STATES, COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO 
HOUSES OF CONGRESS, AT THE BEGIN- 
NING OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE 
FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 

Message 
To the Senate and House of Representatives: 

The Congress assembles this year under the shad- 
ow of a great calamity. On the sixth of Septem- 
ber, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist 
while attending the Pan-American Exposition at 
Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of 
that month. 

Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the 
third who has been murdered, and the bare recital 
of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm 
among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the 
circumstances of this, the third assassination of an 
American President, have a peculiarity sinister sig- 
nificance. Both President Lincoln and President 
Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortu- 
nately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln 
falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by 
four years of civil war, and President Garfield to 
the revengeful vanity of a disappointed office-seeker. 
President McKinley was killed by an utterly de- 
praved criminal belonging to that body of criminals 
who object to all governments, good and bad alike, 
who are against any form of popular liberty if it 
is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, 



53° Presidential Addresses 

and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of 
a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and 
irresponsible despot. 

It is not too much to say that at the time of Presi- 
dent McKinley's death he was the most widely loved 
man in all the United States; while we have never 
had any public man of his position who has been 
so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident 
to public life. His political opponents were the first 
to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to 
the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and 
gentleness of character which so endeared him to 
his close associates. To a standard of lofty in- 
tegrity in public life he united the tender affections 
and home virtues which are all-important in the 
make-up of national character. A gallant soldier 
in the great war for the Union, he also shone 
as an example to all our people because of his 
conduct in the most sacred and intimate of 
home relations. There could be no personal 
hatred of hinij for he never acted with aught 
but consideration for the welfare of others. No one 
could fail to respect him who knew him in public or 
private life. The defenders of those murderous 
criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by 
asserting that it is exercised for political ends, in- 
veigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But 
for this assassination even this base apology can 
not be urged. 

President McKinley was a man of moderate 
means, a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy 



And State Papers 531 

tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among 
the wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a 
private soldier. Wealth was not struck at when 
the President was assassinated, but the honest toil 
which is content with moderate gains after a life- 
time of unremitting labor, largely in the service of 
the public. Still less was power struck at in the 
sense that power is irresponsible or centred in the 
hands of any one individual. The blow was not 
aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one 
of the strongest champions the wage-worker has 
ever had ; at one of the most faithful representatives 
of the system of public rights and representative 
government who has ever risen to public office. 
President McKinley filled that political office for 
which the entire people vote, and no President — not 
even Lincoln himself — was ever more earnestly anx- 
ious to represent the well thought out wishes of the 
people ; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep 
in closest touch with the people — to find out what 
they thought and to endeavor to give expression to 
their thought, after having endeavored to guide 
that thought aright. He had just been re-elected 
to the Presidency because the majority of our citi- 
zens, the majority of our farmers and wage-workers, 
believed that he had faithfully upheld their inter- 
ests for four years. They felt themselves in close 
and intimate touch with him. They felt that he 
represented so well and so honorably all their ideals 
and aspirations that they wished him to continue 
for another four years to represent them. 



S3 11 Presidential Addresses 

And this was the man at whom the assassin 
struck ! That there might be nothing lacking to 
complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took 
advantage of an occasion when the President was 
meeting the people generally; and advancing as if 
to take the hand outstretched to him in kindly and 
brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and gen- 
erous confidence of the victim into an opportunity 
to strike the fatal blow. There is no baser deed in 
all the annals of crime. 

The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in 
the minds of all who saw the dark days while the 
President yet hovered between life and death. At 
last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the 
breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony 
uttered no words save of forgiveness to his mur- 
derer, of love for his friends, and of unfaltering 
trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, 
crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with in- 
finite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had 
accomplished and in his own personal character, that 
we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck 
at the nation. We mourn a good and great Presi- 
dent who is dead ; but while we mourn we are lifted 
up by the splendid achievements of his life and the 
grand heroism with which he met his death. 

When we turn from the man to the nation, the 
harm done is so great as to excite our gravest ap- 
prehensions and to demand our wisest and most 
resolute action. This criminal was a professed 
anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed an- 



And State Papers S33 

archists, and probably also by the reckless utterances 
of those who, on the stump and in the public press, 
appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and 
greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed 
by the men who preach such doctrines, and they can 
not escape their share of responsibility for the whirl- 
wind that is reaped. This applies alike to the delib- 
erate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism, 
and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for what- 
ever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless 
discontent. 

The blow was aimed not at this President, but at 
all Presidents; at every symbol of government. 
President McKinley was as emphatically the embod- 
iment of the popular will of the nation expressed 
through the forms of law as a New England town 
meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the 
law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of 
the town. On no conceivable theory could the mur- 
der of the President be accepted as due to protest 
against "inequalities in the social order," save as 
the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town 
meeting could be accepted as a protest against that 
social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. 
Anarchy is no more an expression of "social discon- 
tent" than picking pockets or wife-beating. 

The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the 
United States, is merely one type of criminal, more 
dangerous than any other because he represents the 
same depravity in a greater degree. The man who 
advocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape 



534 Presidential Addresses 

or fashion, or the man who apologizes for anarchists 
and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to 
murder before the fact. The anarchist is a criminal 
whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confu- 
sion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social 
order. His protest of concern for workingmen is 
outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if the political 
institutions of this country do not afford opportunity 
to every honest and intelligent son of toil, then the 
door of hope is forever closed against him. The 
anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of 
system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. 
If ever anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last 
for but one red moment, to be succeeded for ages 
by the gloomy night of despotism. 

For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches 
or practices his doctrines, we need not have one par- 
ticle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. 
He is not the victim of social or political injustice. 
There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The 
cause of his criminality is to be found in his own 
evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who 
urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the 
State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor 
and nothing else. He is in no sense, in no shape 
or way, a "product of social conditions," save as a 
highwayman is "produced" by the fact that an un- 
armed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty 
upon the great and holy names of liberty and free- 
dom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause. 
No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doc- 



And State Papers S35 

trines should be allowed at large any more than if 
preaching the murder of some specified private in- 
dividual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and meet- 
ings are essentially seditious and treasonable. 

I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the 
exercise of its wise discretion it should take into 
consideration the coming to this country of anar- 
chists or persons professing principles hostile to all 
government and justifying the murder of those 
placed in authority. Such individuals as those who 
not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the 
murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a 
crime, and the law should ensure their rigorous pun- 
ishment. They and those like them should be kept 
out of this country; and if found here they should 
be promptly deported to the country whence they 
came; and far-reaching provisions should be made 
for the punishment of those who stay. No matter 
calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the 
Congress. 

The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction 
over any man who kills or attempts to kill the 
President or any man who by the Constitution or 
by law is in line of succession for the Presidency, 
while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt 
should be proportioned to the enormity of the of- 
fence against our institutions. 

Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race ; 
and all mankind should band against the anarchist. 
His crime should be made an offence against the 
law of nations, like piracy and that form of man- 



536 Presidential Addresses 

stealing known as the slave trade; for it is of far 
blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared 
by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties 
would give to the Federal Government the power of 
dealing with the crime. 

A grim commentary upon the folly of the anar- 
chist position was afforded by the attitude of the law 
toward this very criminal who had just taken the life 
of the President. The people would have torn him 
limb from limb if it had not been that the law he 
defied was at once invoked in his behalf. So far 
from his deed being committed on behalf of the peo- 
ple against the government, the government was 
obliged at once to exert its full police power to save 
him from instant death at the hands of the people. 
Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislo- 
cation in our governmental system, and the danger 
of a recurrence of such deeds, no matter how great 
it might grow, would work only in the direction of 
strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of 
order. No man will ever be restrained from becom- 
ing President by any fear as to his personal safety. 
If the risk to the President's life became great, it 
would mean that the office would more and more 
come to be filled by men of a spirit which would 
make them resolute and merciless in dealing with 
every friend of disorder. This great country will 
not fall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever 
become a serious menace to its institutions, they 
would not merely be stamped out, but would involve 
in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer 



And State Papers 537 

with their doctrines. The American people are slow 
to wrath, but when their wrath is once kindled it 
burns like a consuming- flame. 

During the last five years business confidence has 
been restored and the nation is to be congratulated 
because of its present abounding prosperity. Such 
prosperity can never be created by law alone, al- 
though it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous 
laws. If the hand of the Lord is heavy upon any 
country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom 
is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law 
can guard us against the consequences of our own 
folly. The men who are idle or credulous, the men 
who seek gains not by genuine work with head or 
hand but by gambling in any form, are always a 
source of menace not only to themselves but to 
others. If the business world loses its head, it loses 
what legislation can not supply. Fundamentally the 
welfare of each citizen, and therefore the welfare 
of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation, 
must rest upon individual thrift and energy, resolu- 
tion and intelligence. Nothing can take the place 
of this individual capacity ; but wise legislation and 
honest and intelligent administration can give it the 
fullest scope, the largest opportunity to work to good 
effect. 

The tremendous and highly complex industrial de- 
velopment which went on with ever accelerated ra- 
pidity during the latter half of the nineteenth cen- 
tury brings us face to face, at the beginning of the 



$3% Presidential Addresses 

twentieth, with very serious social problems. The 
old laws, and the old customs which had almost the 
binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to 
regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. 
Since the industrial changes which have so enor- 
mously increased the productive power of mankind, 
they are no longer sufficient. 

The growth of cities has gone on beyond compari- 
son faster than the growth of the country, and the 
upbuilding of the great industrial centres has meant 
a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of 
wealth, but in the number of very large individual, 
and especially of very large corporate, fortunes. The 
creation of these great corporate fortunes has not 
been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental 
action, but to natural causes in the business world, 
operating in other countries as they operate in our 
own. 

The process has aroused much antagonism, a great 
part of which is wholly without warrant. It is not 
true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have 
grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has 
the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the 
small trader, been so well off as in this country and 
at the present time. There have been abuses con- 
nected with the accumulation of wealth ; yet it re- 
mains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate 
business can be accumulated by the person specially 
benefited only on condition of conferring immense 
incidental benefits upon others. Successful enter- 
prise, of the type which benefits all mankind, can 



And State Papers 539 

only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great 
prizes as the rewards of success. 

The captains of industry who have driven the 
railway systems across this continent, who have 
built up our commerce, who have developed our man- 
ufactures, have on the whole done great good to 
our people. Without them the material develop- 
ment of which we are so justly proud could never 
have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize 
the immense importance to this material develop- 
ment of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with 
the public good the strong and forceful men upon 
whom the success of business operations inevitably 
rests. The slightest study of business conditions 
will satisfy any one capable of forming a judgment 
that the personal equation is the most important fac- 
tor in a business operation ; that the business ability 
ol the man at the head of any business concern, big 
or little, is usually the factor which fixes the gulf 
between striking success and hopeless failure. 

An additional reason for caution in dealing with 
corporations is to be found in the international com- 
mercial conditions of to-day. The same business 
conditions which have produced the great aggrega- 
tions of corporate and individual wealth have made 
them very potent factors in international commer- 
cial competition. Business concerns which have the 
largest means at their disposal and are managed by 
the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead 
in the strife for commercial supremacy among the 
nations of the world. America has only just be- 



54° Presidential Addresses 

giin to assume that commanding position in the in- 
ternational business world which we believe will 
more and more be hers. It is of the utmost impor- 
tance that this position be not jeoparded, especially 
at a time when the overflowing abundance of our 
own natural resources and the skill, business energy, 
and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign 
markets essential. Under such conditions it would 
be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful 
strength of our nation. 

Moreover, it can not too often be pointed out that 
to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of 
one set of men almost inevitably endangers the in- 
terests of all. The fundamental rule in our national 
life — the rule which underlies all others — is that, 
on the whole, and in the long run, we shall go up 
or down together. There are exceptions; and in 
times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and 
in times of adversity some will suffer far more, than 
others ; but speaking generally, a period of good 
times means that all share more or less in them, and 
in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a 
greater or less degree. It surely ought not to be 
necessary to enter into any proof of this statement ; 
the memory of the lean years which began in 1893 
is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the 
conditions in this very year which is now closing. 
Disaster to great business enterprises can never have 
its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads 
throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is 
worst for those furthest down. The capitalist may 



And State Papers 541 

be shorn of his luxuries ; but the wage-worker may 
be deprived of even bare necessities. 

The mechanism of modern business is so delicate 
that extreme care must be taken not to interfere 
with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance. Many 
of those who have made it their vocation to de- 
nounce the great industrial combinations which are 
popularly, although with technical inaccuracy, 
known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and 
fear. These are precisely the two emotions, par- 
ticularly when combined with ignorance, which unfit 
men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment. 
In facing new industrial conditions, the whole his- 
tory of the world shows that legislation will gen- 
erally be both unwise and ineffective unless under- 
taken after calm inquiry and with sober self-re- 
straint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts 
would have been exceedingly mischievous had it 
not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance 
with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or 
reckless agitator has been the really effective friend 
of the evils which he has been nominally opposing. 
In dealing with business interests, for the govern- 
ment to undertake by crude and ill-considered legis- 
lation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be 
to incur the risk of such far-reaching national dis- 
aster that it would be preferable to undertake noth- 
ing at all. The men who demand the impossible or 
the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with 
which they are nominally at war, for they hamper 
those who would endeavor to find out in rational 



54 2 Presidential Addresses 

fashion what the wrongs really are and to what ex- 
tent and in what manner it is practicable to apply 
remedies. 

All thisjs true; and yet it is also true that there 
are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over- 
capitalization because of its many baleful conse- 
quences; and a resolute and practical effort must be 
made to correct these evils. 

There is widespread conviction in the minds of 
the American people that the great corporations 
known as trusts are in certain of their features and 
tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This 
springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, 
nor lack of pride in the great industrial achievements 
that have placed this country at the head of the na- 
tions struggling for commercial supremacy. It does 
not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of 
the necessity of meeting changing and changed con- 
ditions of trade with new methods, nor upon igno- 
rance of the fact that combination of capital in the 
effort to accomplish great things is necessary when 
the world's progress demands that great things be 
done. It is based upon sincere conviction that com- 
bination and concentration should be, not prohibited, 
but supervised and within reasonable limits con- 
trolled; and in my judgment this conviction is right. 

It is no limitation upon property rights or free- 
dom of contract to require that when men receive 
from government the privilege of doing business 
under corporate form, which frees them from indi- 
vidual responsibility, and enables them to call into 



And State Papers 543 

their enterprises the capital of the public, they shall 
do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to 
the value of the property in which the capital is to 
be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate 
commerce should be regulated if they are found to 
exercise a license working to the public injury. It 
should be as much the aim of those who seek for 
social betterment to rid the business world of crimes 
of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes 
of violence. Great corporations exist only because 
they are created and safe-guarded by our institu- 
tions; and it is therefore our right and our duty to 
see that they work in harmony with these insti- 
tutions. 

The first essential in determining how to deal 
with the great industrial combinations is knowledge 
of the facts — publicity. In the interest of the public, 
the government should have the right to inspect 
and examine the workings of the great corporations 
engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the 
only sure remedy which we can now invoke. What 
further remedies are needed in the way of govern- 
mental regulation, or taxation, can only be deter- 
mined after publicity has been obtained, by process 
of law, and in the course of administration. The 
first requisite is knowledge, full and complete — 
knowledge which may be made public to the world. 

Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint 
stock or other associations, depending upon any 
statutory law for their existence or privileges, should 
be subject to proper governmental supervision, and 



544 Presidential Addresses 

full and accurate information as to their operations 
should be made public regularly at reasonable in- 
tervals. 

The large corporations, commonly called trusts, 
though organized in one State, always do business 
in many States, often doing very little business in 
the State where they are incorporated. There is 
utter lack of uniformity in the State laws about 
them ; and as no State has any exclusive interest in 
or power over their acts, it has in practice proved 
impossible to get adequate regulation through State 
action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole peo- 
ple, the Nation should, without interfering with the 
power of the States in the matter itself, also assume 
power of supervision and regulation over all corpo- 
rations doing an interstate business. This is es- 
pecially true where the corporation derives a portion 
of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic 
element or tendency in its business. There would 
be no hardship in such supervision ; banks are sub- 
ject to it, and in their case it is now accepted as a 
simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable that 
supervision of corporations by the National Govern- 
ment need not go so far as is now the case with the 
supervision exercised over them by so conservative 
a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce ex- 
cellent results. 

When the Constitution was adopted, at the end 
of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could 
foretell the sweeping changes, alike in industrial 
and political conditions, which were to take place 



And State Papers 545 

by the beginning of the twentieth century. At that 
time it was accepted as a matter of course that the 
several States were the proper authorities to regu- 
late, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively 
insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies 
of the day. The conditions are now wholly different 
and wholly different action is called for. I believe 
that a law can be framed which will enable the Na- 
tional Government to exercise control along the lines 
above indicated, profiting by the experience gained 
through the passage and administration of the In- 
terstate Commerce Act. If, however, the judg- 
ment of the Congress is that it lacks the constitu- 
tional power to pass such an act, then a constitu- 
tional amendment should be submitted to confer the 
power. 

There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be 
known as Secretary of Commerce and Industries, 
as provided in the bill introduced at the last session 
of the Congress. It should be his province to deal 
with commerce in its broadest sense: including 
among many other things whatever concerns labor 
and all matters affecting the great business corpora- 
tions and our merchant marine. 

The course proposed is one phase of what should 
be a comprehensive and far-reaching scheme of con- 
structive statesmanship for the purpose of broaden- 
ing our markets, securing our business interests on 
a safe basis, and making firm our new position in 
the international industrial world, while scrupulously 
safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and cap- 

7— Vol. XIV 



546 Presidential Addresses 

italist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure 
equity as between man and man in this Republic. 

With the sole exception of the farming interest, 
no one matter is of such vital moment to our whole 
people as the welfare of the wage-workers. If the 
farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is abso- 
lutely certain that all others will be well off too. 
It is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation 
that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the 
United States than ever before in our history, and 
far higher than in any other country. The standard 
of living is also higher than ever before. Every 
effort of legislator and administrator should be bent 
to secure the permanency of this condition of things 
and its improvement wherever possible. Not only 
must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it 
should also be protected so far as it is possible from 
the presence in this country of any laborers brought 
over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, 
yet represent a standard of living so depressed that 
they can undersell our men in the labor market and 
drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, 
with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the 
law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen 
it wherever necessary in order to make its enforce- 
ment entirely effective. 

The National Government should demand the 
highest quality of service from its employees ; and 
in return it should be a good employer. If possible 
legislation should be passed, in connection with the 
Interstate Commerce Law, which will render effect- 



And State Papers 547 

ive the efforts of different States to do away with 
the competition of convict contract labor in the open 
labor market. So far as practicable under the con- 
ditions of government work, provision should be 
made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour 
law easy and certain. In all industries carried on 
directly or indirectly for the United States Govern- 
ment women and children should be protected from 
excessive hours of labor, from night work, and from 
work under unsanitary conditions. The govern- 
ment should provide in its contracts that all work 
should be done under "fair" conditions, and in ad- 
dition to setting a high standard should uphold it 
by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the 
subcontractors. The government should forbid all 
night work for women and children, as well as ex- 
cessive overtime. For the District of Columbia a 
good factory law should be passed ; and, as a power- 
ful indirect aid to such laws, provision should be 
made to turn the inhabited alleys, the existence of 
which is a reproach to our Capital City, into minor 
streets, where the inhabitants can live under condi- 
tions favorable to health and morals. 

American wage-workers work with their heads 
as well as their hands. Moreover, they take a keen 
pride in what they are doing; so that, independent 
of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. 
This is the great secret of our success in competi- 
tion with the labor of foreign countries. 

The most vital problem with which this country, 
and for that matter the whole civilized world, has to 



548 Presidential Addresses 

deal, is the problem which has for one side the bet- 
terment of social conditions, moral and physical, 
in large cities, and for another side the effort to 
deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions 
which we group together when we speak of "labor." 
The chief factor in the success of each man — wage- 
worker, farmer, and capitalist alike — must ever be 
the sum total of his own individual qualities and 
abilities. Second only to this comes the power of 
acting in combination or association with others. 
Very great good has been and will be accomplished 
by associations or unions of wage-workers, when 
managed with forethought, and when they combine 
insistence upon their own rights with law-abiding 
respect for the rights of others. The display of 
these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation 
no less than to the associations themselves. Finally, 
there must also in many cases be action by the gov- 
ernment in order to safeguard the rights and inter- 
ests of all. Under our Constitution there is much 
more scope for such action by the State and the 
municipality than by the nation. But on points such 
as those touched on above the National Government 
can act. 

When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood 
remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success 
in the kind of national life for which we strive. 
Each man must work for himself, and unless he 
so works no outside help can avail him ; but each 
man must remember also that he is indeed his 
brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses 



And State Papers 549 

to walk can be carried with advantage to himself 
or anv one else, vet that each at times stumbles or 
halts, that each at times needs to have the helping 
hand outstretched to him. To be permanently ef- 
fective, aid must always take the form of helping 
a man to help himself ; and we can all best help our- 
selves by joining together in the work that is of 
common interest to all. 

Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. 
We need every honest and efficient immigrant fitted 
to become an American citizen, every immigrant 
who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong 
body, a stout heart, a good head, and a resolute 
purpose to do his duty well in every way and to 
bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fear- 
ing members of the community. But there should 
be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of 
working a threefold improvement over our present 
system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely 
not only all persons who are known to be believers 
in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic 
societies, but also all persons who are of a low 
moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This 
means that we should require a more thorough sys- 
tem of inspection abroad and a more rigid system 
of examination at our immigration ports, the former 
being especially necessary. 

The second object of a proper immigration law 
ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely 
perfunctory educational test some intelligent ca- 
pacity to appreciate American institutions and act 



55° Presidential Addresses 

sanely as American citizens. This would not keep 
out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the 
intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is 
also in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of 
ignorance, so potent in producing the envy, suspi- 
cion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, out of 
which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Fi- 
nally, all persons should be excluded who are below 
a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our 
industrial field as competitors with American labor. 
There should be proper proof of personal capacity 
to earn an American living and enough money to 
ensure a decent start under American conditions. 
This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the 
resulting competition which gives rise to so much of 
bitterness in American industrial life ; and it would 
dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions 
in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations 
have their greatest possibility of growth. 

Both the educational and economic tests in a wise 
immigration law should be designed to protect and 
elevate the general body politic and social. A very 
close supervision should be exercised over the steam- 
ship companies which mainly bring over the immi- 
grants, and they should be held to a strict accounta- 
bility for any infraction of the law. 

There is general acquiescence in our present tariff 
system as a national policy. The first requisite to 
our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this 
economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise 



And State Papers 551 

than to disturb the business interests of the country 
by any general tariff change at this time. Doubt, 
apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what we most 
wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and 
material well-being. Our experience in the past 
has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are 
apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic 
in the business world. Yet it is not only possible, 
but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability 
of our economic system a supplementary system of 
reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations. 
Such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm 
establishment and preservation of our present eco- 
nomic policy. It was specially provided for in the 
present tariff law. 

Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of 
protection. Our first duty is to see that the protec- 
tion granted by the tariff in every case where it is 
needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought 
for so far as it can safely be done without injury to 
our home industries. Just how far this is must be 
determined according to the individual case, remem- 
bering always that every application of our tariff 
policy to meet our shifting national needs must be 
conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties 
must never be reduced below the point that will 
cover the difference between the labor cost here and 
abroad. The well-being of the wage-worker is a 
prime consideration of our entire policy of economic 
legislation. 

Subject to this proviso of the proper protection 



5$2 Presidential Addresses 

necessary to our industrial well-being at home, the 
principle of reciprocity must command our hearty 
support. The phenomenal growth of our export 
trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider 
markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with for- 
eign nations. Whatever is merely petty and vexa- 
tious in the way of trade restrictions should be 
avoided. The customers to whom we dispose of our 
surplus products in the long run, directly or indi- 
rectly, purchase those surplus products by giving 
us something in return. Their ability to purchase 
our products should as far as possible be secured by 
so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from 
them those products which we can use without harm 
to our own industries and labor, or the use of which 
will be of marked benefit to us. 

It is most important that we should maintain the 
high level of our present prosperity. We have now 
reached the point in the development of our interests 
where we are not only able to supply our own mar- 
kets but to produce a constantly growing surplus for 
which we must find markets abroad. To secure these 
markets we can utilize existing duties in any case 
where they are no longer needed for the purpose of 
protection, or in any case where the article is not 
produced here and the duty is no longer necessary 
for revenue, as giving us something to offer in ex- 
change for what we ask. The cordial relations with 
other nations which are so desirable will naturally 
be promoted by the course thus required by our own 
interests. 



And State Papers 553 

The natural line of development for a policy of 
reciprocity will be in connection with those of our 
productions which no longer require all of the sup- 
port once needed to establish them upon a sound 
basis, and with those others where either because 
of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the 
reach of successful competition. 

I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity 
treaties laid before it by my predecessor. 

The condition of the American merchant marine 
is such as to call for immediate remedial action by 
the Congress. It is discreditable to us as a nation 
that our merchant marine should be utterly insig- 
nificant in comparison to that of other nations which 
we overtop in other forms of business. We should 
not longer submit to conditions under which only a 
trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in 
our own ships. To remedy this state of things 
would not merely serve to build up our shipping in- 
terests, but it would also result in benefit to all who 
are interested in the permanent establishment of a 
wider market for American products, and would 
provide an auxiliary force for the navy. Ships 
work for their own countries just as railroads work 
for their terminal points. Shipping lines, if estab- 
lished to the principal countries with which we have 
dealings, would be of political as well as commercial 
benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the 
United States to continue to rely upon the ships of 
competing nations for the distribution of our goods. 



554 Presidential Addresses 

It should be made advantageous to carry American 
goods in American-built ships. 

At present American shipping is under certain 
great disadvantages when put in competition with 
the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the fast 
foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or 
above, are subsidized; and all our ships, sailing ves- 
sels and steamers alike, cargo carriers of slow speed 
and mail carriers of high speed, have to meet the 
fact that the original cost of building American 
ships is greater than is the case abroad; that the 
wages paid the officers and seamen are very much 
higher than those paid" the officers and seamen of 
foreign competing countries ; and that the standard 
of living on our ships is far superior to the standard 
of living on the ships of our commercial rivals. 

Our government should take such action as will 
remedy these inequalities. The American merchant 
marine should be restored to the ocean. 

The Act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivo- 
cally to establish gold as the standard money and to 
maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money 
medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely 
and judicious. The price of our government bonds 
in the world's market, when compared with the price 
of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a 
flattering tribute to our public credit. This condi- 
tion it is evidently desirable to maintain. 

In many respects the National Banking Law fur- 
nishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of 



And State Papers S5S 

the banking function ; but there seems to be need 
of better safeguards against the deranging influence 
of commercial crises and financial panics. More- 
over, the currency of the country should be made 
responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and 
commerce. 

The collections from duties on imports and in- 
ternal taxes continue to exceed the ordinary ex- 
penditures of the government, thanks mainly to the 
reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should 
be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there 
will be any possibility of a deficit ; but, after provid- 
ing against any such contingency, means should be 
adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly 
within the limit of our actual needs. In his report 
to the Congress the Secretary of the Treasury con- 
siders all these questions at length, and I ask your 
attention to the report and recommendations. 

I call special attention to the need of strict econ- 
omy in expenditures. The fact that our national 
needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing what- 
ever is actually necessary to our well-being, should 
make us doubly careful to husband our national re- 
sources, as each of us husbands his private resources, 
by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful 
or reckless expenditure. Only by avoidance of 
spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable 
can we legitimately keep our income to the point 
required to meet our needs that are genuine. 

In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation 
of interstate railways, commonly known as the In- 



556 Presidential Addresses 

terstate Commerce Act. The cardinal provisions of 
that act were that railway rates should be just and 
reasonable and that all shippers, localities, and com- 
modities should be accorded equal treatment. A 
commission was created and endowed with what 
were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute 
the provisions of this act. 

That law was largely an experiment. Experi- 
ence has shown the wisdom of its purposes, but has 
also shown, possibly that some of its requirements 
are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the 
enforcement of its provisions are defective. Those 
who complain of the management of the railways 
allege that established rates are not maintained ; 
that rebates and similar devices are habitually re- 
sorted to; that these preferences are usually in favor 
of the large shipper; that they drive out of business 
the smaller competitor; that while many rates are 
too low, many others are excessive; and that gross 
preferences are made, affecting both localities and 
commodities. Upon the other hand, the railways 
assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce 
many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers 
of that right of concerted action which they claim 
is necessary to establish and maintain non-discrim- 
inating rates. 

The act should be amended. The railway is a 
public servant. Its rates should he just to and open 
to all shippers alike. The government should see to 
it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should 
provide a speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy 



And State Papers 557 

to that end. At the same time it must not be for- 
gotten that our railways are the arteries through 
which the commercial lifeblood of this nation flows. 
Nothing could be more foolish than the enactment 
of legislation which would unnecessarily interfere 
with the development and operation of these com- 
mercial agencies. The subject is one of great im- 
portance and calls for the earnest attention of the 
Congress. 

The Department of Agriculture during the past 
fifteen years has steadily broadened its work on eco- 
nomic lines, and has accomplished results of real 
value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It 
has gone into new fields until it is now in touch with 
all sections of our country and with two of the isl- 
and groups that have lately come under our jurisdic- 
tion, whose people must look to agriculture as a live- 
lihood. It is searching the world for grains, grasses, 
fruits, and vegetables specially fitted for introduction 
into localities in the several States and Territories 
where they may add materially to our resources. By 
scientific attention to soil survey and possible new 
crops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to ex- 
perimental shipments, to animal industry and applied 
chemistry, very practical aid has been given our 
farming and stock-growing interests. The products 
of the farm have taken an unprecedented place in 
our export trade during the year that has just closed. 

Public opinion throughout the United States has 



55 8 Presidential Addresses 

moved steadily toward a just appreciation of the 
value of forests, whether planted or of natural 
growth. The great part played by them in the crea- 
tion and maintenance of the national wealth is now 
more fully realized than ever before. 

Wise forest protection does not mean the with- 
drawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water, 
or grass, from contributing their full share to the 
welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives the 
assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The 
fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of 
forests by use. Forest protection is not an end of it- 
self; it is a means to increase and sustain the re- 
sources of our country and the industries which de- 
pend upon them. The preservation of our forests is 
an imperative business necessity. We have come to 
see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except 
to make way for agriculture, threatens our well- 
being. 

The practical usefulness of the national forest re- 
serves to the mining, grazing, irrigation, and other 
interests of the regions in which the reserves lie has 
led to a widespread demand by the people of the 
West for their protection and extension. The for- 
est reserves will inevitably be of still greater use in 
the future than in the past. Additions should be 
made to them whenever practicable, and their use- 
fulness should be increased by a thoroughly business- 
like management. 

At present the protection of the forest reserves 
rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and 



And State Papers 559 

description of their timber with the United States 
Geological Survey, and the preparation of plans for 
their conservative use with the Bureau of Forestry, 
which is also charged with the general advancement 
of practical forestry in the United States. These va- 
rious functions should be united in the Bureau of 
Forestry, to which they properly belong. The pres- 
ent diffusion of responsibility is bad from every 
standpoint. It prevents that effective co-operation 
between the government and the men who utilize the 
resources of the reserves, without which the interests 
of both must suffer. The scientific bureaus gener- 
ally should be put under the Department of Agri- 
culture. The President should have by law the 
power of transferring lands for use as forest re- 
serves to the Department of Agriculture. He already 
has such power in the case of lands needed by the 
Departments of War and the Navy. 

The wise administration of the forest reserves 
will be not less helpful to the interests which depend 
on water than to those which depend on wood and 
grass. The water supply itself depends upon the 
forest. In the arid region it is water, not land, 
which measures production. The western half of 
the United States would sustain a population greater 
than that of our whole country to-day if the waters 
that now run to waste were saved and used for irri- 
gation. The forest and water problems are perhaps 
the most vital internal questions of the United 
States. . 

Certain of the forest reserves should also be made 



560 Presidential Addresses 

preserves for the wild forest creatures. All of the re- 
serves should be better protected from fires. ' Many 
of them need special protection because of the great 
injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The 
increase in deer, elk, and other animals in the Yel- 
lowstone Park shows what may be expected when 
other mountain forests are properly protected by law 
and properly guarded. Some of these areas have 
been so denuded of surface vegetation by overgraz- 
ing that the ground breeding birds, including grouse 
and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have 
been exterminated or driven away. At the same 
time the water-storing capacity of the surface has 
been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting floods 
in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams 
between rains. 

In cases where natural conditions have been re- 
stored for a few years, vegetation has again car- 
peted the ground, birds and deer are coming back, 
and hundreds of persons, especially from the imme- 
diate neighborhood, come each summer to enjoy 
the privilege of camping. Some at least of the forest 
reserves should afford perpetual protection to the 
native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to 
our rapidly diminishing wild animals of the larger 
kinds, and free camping grounds for the ever-in- 
creasing numbers of men and women who have 
learned to find rest, health, and recreation in the 
splendid forests and flower-clad meadows of our 
mountains. The forest reserves should be set apart 
forever for the use and benefit of our people as a 



And State Papers 561 

whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed 
of a few. 

The forests are natural reservoirs. By restrain- 
ing the streams in flood and replenishing them in 
drought they make possible the use of waters other- 
wise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing, 
and so protect the storage reservoirs from filling 
up with silt. Forest conservation is therefore an 
essential condition of water conservation. 

The forests alone can not, however, fully regulate 
and conserve the waters of the arid region. Great 
storage works are necessary to equalize the flow of 
streams and to save the flood waters. Their con- 
struction has been conclusively shown to be an un- 
dertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it 
be best accomplished by the individual States acting 
alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are in- 
volved; and the resources of single States would 
often be inadequate. It is properly a national func- 
tion, at least in some of its features. It is as right 
for the National Government to make the streams 
and rivers of the arid region useful by engineering 
works for water storage as to make useful the rivers 
and harbors of the humid region by engineering 
works of another kind. The storing of the floods 
in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but 
an enlargement of our present policy of river control, 
under which levees are built on the lower reaches 
of the same streams. 

The Government should construct and maintain 



562 Presidential Addresses 

these reservoirs as it does other public works. 
Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of 
streams, the water should be turned freely into the 
channels in the dry season to take the same course 
under the same laws as the natural flow. 

The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands 
presents a different problem. Here it is not enough 
to regulate the flow of streams. The object of the 
government is to dispose of the land to settlers who 
will build homes upon it. To accomplish this object 
water must be brought within their reach. 

The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain 
chose their homes along streams from which they 
could themselves divert the water to reclaim their 
holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. 
There remain, however, vast areas of public land 
which can be made available for homestead settle- 
ment, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals 
impracticable for private enterprise. These irriga- 
tion works should be built by the National Govern- 
ment. The lands reclaimed by them should be re- 
served by the Government for actual settlers, and the 
cost of construction should so far as possible be re- 
paid by the land reclaimed. The distribution of 
the water, the division of the streams among irri- 
gators, should be left to the settlers themselves in 
conformity with State laws and without interference 
with those laws or with vested rights. The policy 
of the National Government should be to aid irri- 
gation in the several States and Territories in such 
manner as will enable the people in the local commit- 



And State Papers 563 

nities to help themselves, and as will stimulate needed 
reforms in the State laws and regulations governing 
irrigation. 

The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands 
will enrich every portion of our country, just as 
the settlement of the Ohio and Mississippi Valleys 
brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The in- 
creased demand for manufactured articles will stim- 
ulate industrial production, while wider home mar- 
kets and the trade of Asia will consume the larger 
food supplies and effectually prevent Western com- 
petition with Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the 
products of irrigation will be consumed chiefly in 
upbuilding local centres of mining and other indus- 
tries, which would otherwise not come into existence 
at all. Our people as a whole will profit, for suc- 
cessful home-making is but another name for the 
upbuilding of the Nation. 

The necessary foundation has already been laid 
for the inauguration of the policy just described. 
It would be unwise to begin by doing too much, for 
a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to 
what can and what can not be safely attempted, by 
the early efforts, which must of necessity be partly 
experimental in character. At the very beginning 
the Government should make clear, beyond shadow 
of doubt, its intention to pursue this policy on lines 
of the broadest public interest. No reservoir or 
canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal 
or local interests ; but only in accordance with the 
advice of trained experts, after long investigation 



564 Presidential Addresses 

has shown the locality where all the conditions com- 
bine to make the work most needed and fraught 
with the greatest usefulness to the community as a 
whole. There should be no extravagance, and the 
believers in the need of irrigation will most benefit 
their cause by seeing to it that it is free from the 
least taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of 
the public moneys. 

Whatever the Nation does for the extension of 
irrigation should harmonize with, and tend to im- 
prove, the condition of those now living on irrigated 
land. We are not at the starting point of this de- 
velopment. Over two hundred millions of private 
capital has already been expended in the construc- 
tion of irrigation works, and many million acres of 
arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise 
and ability has been shown in the work itself; but 
as much can not be said in reference to the laws 
relating thereto. The security and value of the 
homes created depend largely on the stability of 
titles to water; but the majority of these rest on 
the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered 
in ordinary suits at law. With a few creditable ex- 
ceptions, the arid States have failed to provide for 
the certain and just division of streams in times of 
scarcity. Lax and uncertain laws have made it pos- 
sible to establish rights to water in excess of actual 
uses or necessities, and many streams have already 
passed into private ownership, or a control equiva- 
lent to ownership. 

Whoever controls a stream practically controls the 



And State Papers $^5 

land it renders productive, and the doctrine of pri- 
vate ownership of water apart from land can not 
prevail without causing enduring wrong. The rec- 
ognition of such ownership, which has been permit- 
ted to grow up in the arid regions, should give way 
to a more enlightened and larger recognition of the 
rights of the public in the control and disposal of 
the public water supplies. Laws founded upon con- 
ditions obtaining in humid regions, where water is 
too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no proper 
application in a dry country. 

In the arid States the only right to water which 
should be recognized is that of use. In irrigation 
this right should attach to the land reclaimed and 
be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water 
rights to others than users, without compensation to 
the public, is open to all the objections which apply 
to giving away perpetual franchises to the public 
utilities of cities. A few of the Western States have 
already recognized this, and have incorporated in 
their constitutions the doctrine of perpetual State 
ownership of water. 

The benefits which have followed the unaided de- 
velopment of .the past justify the nation's aid and 
co-operation in the more difficult and important work 
yet to be accomplished. Laws so vitally affecting 
homes as those which control the water supply will 
only be effective when they have the sanction of the 
irrigators ; reforms can only be final and satisfactory 
when they come through the enlightenment of the 
people most concerned. The larger development 



566 Presidential Addresses 

which national aid ensures should, however, awaken 
in every arid State the determination to make its 
irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness 
that of any country in the civilized world. Nothing 
could be more unwise than for isolated communities 
to continue to learn everything experimentally, in- 
stead of profiting by what is already known else- 
where. We are dealing with a new and momentous 
question, in the pregnant years while institutions 
are forming, and what we do will affect not only the 
present but future generations. 

Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the larg- 
est area of land and provide homes for the largest 
number of people, but to create for this new industry 
the best possible social and industrial conditions ; 
and this requires that we not only understand the 
existing situation, but avail ourselves of the best 
experience of the time in the solution of its problems. 
A careful study should be made, both by the Nation 
and the States, of the irrigation laws and conditions 
here and abroad. Ultimately it will probably be 
necessary for the Nation to co-operate with the sev- 
eral arid States in proportion as these States by their 
legislation and administration show themselves fit 
to receive it. 

In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the Terri- 
tory on the traditional American lines. We do not 
wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor; 
we wish a healthy American community of men who 
themselves till the farms they own. All our legis- 



And State Papers 567 

lation for the islands should be shaped with this end 
in view; the well-being of the average home-maker 
must afford the true test of the healthy development 
of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as 
possible be modeled on our homestead system. 

It is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more neces- 
sary to report as to Porto Rico than as to any State 
or Territory within our continental limits. The isl- 
and is thriving as never before, and it is being ad- 
ministered efficiently and honestly. Its people are 
now enjoying liberty and order under the protection 
of the United States, and upon this fact we congratu- 
late them and ourselves. Their material welfare 
must be as carefully and jealously considered as the 
welfare of any other portion of our country. We 
have given them the great gift of free access for 
their products to the markets of the United States. 
I ask the attention of the Congress to the need of 
legislation concerning the public lands of Porto 
Rico. 

In Cuba such progress has been made toward put- 
ting the independent government of the island upon 
a firm footing that before the present session of the 
Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. 
Cuba will then start as her own mistress ; and to the 
beautiful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this 
new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest 
greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have dis- 
cussed the question of reciprocity. In the case of 
Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of mo- 
rality and of national interest why the policy should 



568 Presidential Addresses 

be held to have a peculiar application, and I most ear- 
nestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to 
the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduc- 
tion in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the 
United States. Cuba has in her Constitution affirmed 
what we desired, that she should stand, in interna- 
tional matters, in closer and more friendly relations 
with us than with any other power ; and we are 
bound by every consideration of honor and expe- 
diency to pass commercial measures in the interest 
of her material well-being. 

In the Philippines our problem is larger. They 
are very rich tropical islands, inhabited by many 
varying tribes, representing widely different stages 
of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort 
is to help these people upward along the stony and 
difficult path that leads to self-government. We 
hope to make our administration of the islands hon- 
orable to our Nation by making it of the highest 
benefit to the Filipinos themselves ; and. as an ear- 
nest of what we intend to do, we point to what we 
have done. Already a greater measure of material 
prosperity and of governmental honesty and effi- 
ciency has been attained in the Philippines than ever 
before in their history. 

It is no light task for a nation to achieve the tem- 
peramental qualities without which the institutions 
of free government are but an empty mockery. Our 
people are now successfully governing themselves, 
because for more than a thousand years they have 
been slowly fitting themselves, sometimes conscious- 



And State Papers 569 

ly, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end. What 
has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we can 
not expect to see another race accomplish out of 
hand, especially when large portions of that race 
start very far behind the point which our ancestors 
had reached even thirty generations ago. In deal- 
ing with the Philippine people we must show both 
patience and strength, forbearance and steadfast 
resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to 
do for the islanders merely what has elsewhere been 
done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign 
governments. We hope to do for them what has 
never before been done for any people of the tropics 
— to make them fit for self-government after the 
fashion of the really free nations. 

History may safely be challenged to show a single 
instance in which a masterful race such as ours, hav- 
ing been forced by the exigencies of war to take pos- 
session of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabi- 
tants with the disinterested zeal for their progress 
that our people have shown in the Philippines. To 
leave the islands at this time would mean that they 
would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. 
Such desertion of duty on our part would be a crime 
against humanity. The character of Governor Taft 
and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if 
such be needed, of the sincerity of our effort to give 
the islanders a constantly increasing measure of self- 
government, exactly as fast as they show themselves 
fit to exercise it. Since the civil government was es- 
tablished not an appointment has been made in the 

8— Vol. XIV 



57° Presidential Addresses 

islands with any reference to considerations of po- 
litical influence, or to aught else save the fitness of 
the man and the needs of the service. 

In our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the 
Philippines, it may be that here and there we have 
gone too rapidly in giving them local self-govern- 
ment. It is on this side that our error, if any, has 
been committed. No competent observer, sincerely 
desirous of finding out the facts and influenced only 
by a desire for the welfare of the natives, can assert 
that we have not gone far enough. We have gone 
to the very verge of safety in hastening the process. 
To have taken a single step further or faster in ad- 
vance would have been folly and weakness, and 
might well have been crime. We are extremely anx- 
ious that the natives shall show the power of gov- 
erning themselves. We are anxious, first for their 
sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great 
burden. There need not be the slightest fear of our 
not continuing to give them all the liberty for which 
they are fit. 

The only fear is lest in our overanxiety we give 
them a degree of independence for which they are 
unfit, thereby inviting reaction and disaster. As fast 
as there is any reasonable hope that in a given dis- 
trict the people can govern themselves, self-govern- 
ment has been given in that district. There is not a 
locality fitted for self-government which has not re- 
ceived it. But it may well be that in certain cases 
it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants 
show themselves unfit to exercise it; such instances 



And State Papers 571 

have already occurred. In other words, there is not 
the slightest chance of our failing to show a suffi- 
ciently humanitarian spirit. The danger comes in 
the opposite direction. 

There are still troubles ahead in the islands. The 
insurrection has become an affair of local banditti 
and marauders, who deserve no higher regard than 
the brigands of portions of the Old World. En- 
couragement, direct or indirect, to these insurrectos 
stands on the same footing as encouragement to hos- 
tile Indians in the days when we still had Indian 
wars. Exactly as our aim is to give to the Indian 
who remains peaceful the fullest and amplest consid- 
eration, but to have it understood that we will show 
no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must 
make it evident, unless we are false to our own tra- 
ditions and to the demands of civilization and hu- 
manity, that while we will do everything in our 
power for the Filipino who is peaceful we will take 
the sternest measures with the Filipino who follows 
the path of the insurrecto and the ladrone. 

The heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the 
natives of the islands for their steadfast loyalty. 
The Macabebes have been conspicuous for their cour- 
age and devotion to the flag. I recommend that the 
Secretary of War be empowered to take some syste- 
matic action in the way of aiding those of these men 
who are crippled in the service and the families of 
those who are killed. 

The time has come when there should be addi- 
tional legislation for the Philippines. Nothing bet- 



57 2 Presidential Addresses 

ter can be done for the islands than to introduce in- 
dustrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so 
much as throwing them open to industrial develop- 
ment. The connection between idleness and mischief 
is proverbial, and the opportunity to do remunerative 
work is one of the surest preventives of war. Of 
course no business man will go into the Philippines 
unless it is to his interest to do so, and it is im- 
mensely to the interest of the islands that he should 
go in. It is therefore necessary that the Congress 
should pass laws by which the resources of the isl- 
ands can be developed ; so that franchises ( for lim- 
ited terms of years) can be granted to companies 
doing business in them, and every encouragement be 
given to the incoming of business men of every kind. 
Not to permit this is to do a wrong to the Philip- 
pines. The franchises must be granted and the busi- 
ness permitted only under regulations which will 
guarantee the islands against any kind of improper 
exploitation. But the vast natural wealth of the isl- 
ands must be developed, and the capital willing to 
develop it must be given the opportunity. The field 
must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which 
has been the real factor in the development of every 
region over which our flag has flown. It is urgently 
necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general 
transportation, mining, banking, currency, home- 
steads, and the use and ownership of the lands and 
timber. These laws will give free play to industrial 
enterprise; and the commercial development which 
will surely follow will afford to the people of the isl- 



And State Papers 573 

ands the best proofs of the sincerity of our desire to 
aid them. 

I call your attention most earnestly to the crying 
need of a cable to Hawaii and the Philippines, to be 
continued from the Philippines to points in Asia. 
We should not defer a day longer than necessary the 
construction of such a cable. It is demanded not 
merely for commercial but for political and military 
considerations. 

Either the Congress should immediately provide 
for the construction of a government cable, or else 
an arrangement should be made by which like ad- 
vantages to those accruing from a government cable 
may be secured to the Government by contract with 
a private cable company. 

No single great material work which remains to 
be undertaken on this continent is of such conse- 
quence to the American people as the building of a 
canal across the Isthmus connecting North and 
South America. Its importance to the Nation is by 
no means limited merely to its material effects upon 
our business prosperity; and yet with view to these 
effects alone it would be to the last degree important 
for us immediately to begin it. While its beneficial 
effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pa- 
cific Coast and the Gulf and South Atlantic States, 
it would also greatly benefit other sections. It is 
emphatically a work which it is for the interest of 
the entire country to begin and complete as soon as 



574 Presidential Addresses 

possible ; it is one of those great works which only a 
great nation can undertake with prospects of suc- 
cess, and which when done are not only permanent 
assets in the nation's material interests, but standing 
monuments to its constructive ability. 

I am glad to be able to announce to you that our 
negotiations on this subject with Great Britain, con- 
ducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and 
mutual good-will and respect, have resulted in my 
being able to lay before the Senate a treaty which 
if ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an 
Isthmian Canal at any time, and which guarantees to 
this Nation every right that it has ever asked in con- 
nection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clay- 
ton-Bulwer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate 
to supply the base for the construction and main- 
tenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is 
abrogated. It specifically provides that the United 
States alone shall do the work of building and as- 
sume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal and 
shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms 
of equality without the guarantee or interference 
of any outside nation from any quarter. The signed 
treaty will at once be laid before the Senate, and if 
approved the Congress can then proceed to give ef- 
fect to the advantages it secures us by providing for 
the building of the canal. 

The true end of every great and free people should 
be self-respecting peace; and this Nation most ear- 
nestly desires sincere and cordial friendship with all 



And State Papers 575 

others. Over the entire world, of recent years, wars 
between the great civilized powers have become less 
and less frequent. Wars with barbarous or semi- 
barbarous peoples come in an entirely different cate- 
gory, being merely a most regrettable but necessary 
international police duty which must be performed 
for the sake of the welfare of mankind. Peace can 
only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to 
keep it; but more and more the civilized peoples are 
realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining 
that condition of just and intelligent regard for the 
rights of others which will in the end, as we hope 
and believe, make world-wide peace possible. The 
peace conference at The Hague gave definite ex- 
pression to this hope and belief and marked a stride 
toward their attainment. 

This same peace conference acquiesced in our 
statement of the Monroe Doctrine as compatible with 
the purposes and aims of the conference. 

The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal fea- 
ture of the foreign policy of all the nations of the 
two Americas, as it is of the United States. Just 
seventy-eight years have passed since President 
Monroe in his Annual Message announced that "The 
American continents are henceforth not to be con- 
sidered as subjects for future colonization by any 
European power." In other words, the Monroe 
Doctrine is a declaration that there must be no 
territorial aggrandizement by any non-American 
power at the expense of any American power on 
American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile 



576 Presidential Addresses 

to any nation in the Old World. Still less is it in- 
tended to give cover to any aggression by one New 
World power at the expense of any other. It is sim- 
ply a step, and a long step, toward assuring the uni- 
versal peace of the world by securing the possibility 
of permanent peace on this hemisphere. 

During the past century other influences have es- 
tablished the permanence and independence of the 
smaller states of Europe. Through the Monroe Doc- 
trine we hope to be able to safeguard like indepen- 
dence and secure like permanence for the lesser 
among the New World nations. 

This doctrine has nothing to do with the com- 
mercial relations of any American power, save that 
it in truth allows each of them to form such as it 
desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of 
the commercial independence of the Americas. We 
do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive com- 
mercial dealings with any other American state. 
We do not guarantee any state against punishment 
if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment 
does not take the form of the acquisition of territory 
by any non-American power. 

Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of 
our own good faith. We have not the slightest de- 
sire to secure any territory at the expense of any 
of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand 
in hand, so that all of us may be uplifted together, 
and we rejoice over the good fortune of any of them, 
we gladly hail their material prosperity and politi- 
cal stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any 



And State Papers 577 

of them fall into industrial or political chaos. We 
do not wish to see any Old World military power 
grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to be- 
come a military power ourselves. The peoples of the 
Americas can prosper best if left to work out their 
own salvation in their own way. 

The work of upbuilding the navy must be steadily 
continued. No one point of our policy, foreign or 
domestic, is more important than this to the honor 
and material welfare, and above all to the peace, 
of our Nation in the future. Whether we desire it 
or not, we must henceforth recognize that we have 
international duties no less than international rights. 
Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philip- 
pines and Porto Rico, even if we decided not to 
build the Isthmian Canal, we should need a thor- 
oughly trained navy of adequate size, or else be 
prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the 
idea that our Nation is among those whose sons go 
down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce is 
always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must 
have war craft to protect it. 

Inasmuch, however, as the American people have 
no thought of abandoning the path upon which they 
have entered, and especially in view of the fact that 
the building of the Isthmian Canal is fast becoming 
one of the matters which the whole people are united 
in demanding, it is imperative that our navy should 
be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency, and 
should be made to answer to our growing needs. So 



578 Presidential Addresses 

far from being in any way a provocation to war, an 
adequate and highly trained navy is the best guaran- 
ty against war, the cheapest and most effective peace 
insurance. The cost of building and maintaining 
such a navy represents the very lightest premium 
for insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay. 

Probably no other great nation in the world is so 
anxious for peace as we are. There is not a single 
civilized power which has anything whatever to fear 
from aggressiveness on our part. All we want is 
peace ; and toward this end we wish to be able to 
secure the same respect for our rights from others 
which we are eager and anxious to extend to their 
rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us com- 
mercially, and to guarantee the safety of the Ameri- 
can people. 

Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doc- 
trine and to insist upon it as the one sure means of 
securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere. The 
navy offers us the only means of making our in- 
sistence upon the Monroe Doctrine anything but a 
subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to 
disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as 
of right to the just man armed ; not the peace granted 
on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weak- 
ling. 

It is not possible to improvise a navy after war 
breaks out. The ships must be built and the men 
trained long in advance. Some auxiliary vessels can 
be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of 
any better for the minor work, and a proportion of 



And State Papers 579 

raw men can be mixed with the highly trained, their 
shortcomings being made good by the skill of their 
fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the navy 
when pitted against an equal opponent will be found 
almost exclusively in the warships that have been 
regularly built and in the officers and men who 
through years of faithful performance of sea duty 
have been trained to handle their formidable but com- 
plex and delicate weapons with the highest efficiency. 
In the late war with Spain the ships that dealt the 
decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been 
launched from two to fourteen years, and they were 
able to do as they did because the men in the conning 
towers, the gun-turrets, and the engine-rooms had 
through long years of practice at sea learned how to 
do their duty. 

Our present navy was begun in 1882. At that 
period our navy consisted of a collection of anti- 
quated wooden ships, already almost as out of place 
against modern war vessels as the galleys of Alci- 
biades and Hamilcar — certainly as the ships of 
Tromp and Blake. Nor at that time did we have 
men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. Under the 
wise legislation of the Congress and the successful 
administration of a succession of patriotic Secre- 
taries of the Navy, belonging to both political parties, 
the work of upbuilding the navy went on, and ships 
equal to any in the world of their kind were con- 
tinually added ; and what was even more important, 
these ships were exercised at sea singly and in squad- 
rons until the men aboard them were able to get the 



580 Presidential Addresses 

best possible service out of them. The result was 
seen in the short war with Spain, which was decided 
with such rapidity because of the infinitely greater 
preparedness of our navy than of the Spanish navy. 
While awarding the fullest honor to the men who 
actually commanded and manned the ships which 
destroyed the Spanish sea forces in the Philippines 
and in Cuba, we must not forget that an equal 
meed of praise belongs to those without whom 
neither blow could have been struck. The Congress- 
men who voted years in advance the money to lay 
down the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor- 
plate; the Department officials and the business men 
and wage-workers who furnished what the Congress 
had authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy who 
asked for and expended the appropriations ; and final- 
ly the officers who, in fair weather and foul, on actual 
sea service, trained and disciplined the crews of the 
ships when there was no war in sight — all are en- 
titled to a full share in the glory of Manila and San- 
tiago, and the respect accorded by every true Amer- 
ican to those who wrought such signal triumph for 
our country. It was forethought and preparation 
which secured us the overwhelming triumph of 
1898. If we fail to show forethought and prepara- 
tion now, there may come a time when disaster will 
befall us instead of triumph ; and should this time 
come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those 
whom the accident of events puts in supreme com- 
mand at the moment, but upon those who have 
failed to prepare in advance. 



And State Papers 581 

There should be no cessation in the work of com- 
pleting our navy. So far ingenuity has been wholly 
unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft 
whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the 
high seas. It is unsafe and unwise not to provide 
this year for several additional battleships and 
heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter 
craft in proportion ; for the exact numbers and char- 
acter I refer you to the report of the Secretary of 
the Navy. But there is something we need even 
more than additional ships, and this is additional 
officers and men. To provide battleships and cruis- 
ers and then lay them up, with the expectation of 
leaving them unmanned until they are needed in 
actual war, would be worse than folly; it would be 
a crime against the nation. 

To send any warship against a competent enemy 
unless those aboard it have been trained by years 
of actual sea service, including incessant gunnery 
practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but 
the bitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand 
additional seamen and one thousand additional ma- 
rines should be provided; and an increase in the 
officers should be provided by making a large ad- 
dition to the classes at Annapolis. There is one 
small matter which should be mentioned in connec- 
tion with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmean- 
ing title of "naval cadet" should be abolished; the 
title of "midshipman," full of historic association, 
should be restored. 

Even in time of peace a warship should be used 



582 Presidential Addresses 

until it wears out, for only so can it be kept fit to 
respond to any emergency. The officers and men 
alike should be kept as much as possible on blue 
water, for it is there only they can learn their duties 
as they should be learned. The big vessels should 
be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely 
battleships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers 
and scouts. The torpedo boats should be handled 
by the younger officers in such manner as will best 
fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the 
emergencies of actual warfare. 

Every detail ashore which can be performed by 
a civilian should be so performed, the officer being 
kept for his special duty in the sea service. Above 
all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It is im- 
portant to have our navy of adequate size, but it 
is even more important that ship for ship it should 
equal in efficiency any navy in the world. This is 
possible only with highly drilled crews and officers, 
and this in turn imperatively demands continuous 
and progressive instruction in target practice, ship 
handling, squadron tactics, and general discipline. 
Our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively 
cruising away from harbors and never long at an- 
chor. The resulting wear upon engines and hulls 
must be endured; a battleship worn out in long 
training of officers and men is well paid for by the 
results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how 
excellent condition, it is useless if the crew be not 
expert. 

We now have seventeen battleships appropriated 



And State Papers 583 

for, of which nine are completed and have been com- 
missioned for actual service. The remaining eight 
will be ready in from two to four years, but it will 
take at least that time to recruit and train the men 
to fight them. It is of vast concern that we have 
trained crews ready for the vessels by the time they 
are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are 
simply good weapons, and the best weapons are 
useless save in the hands of men who know how to 
fight with them. The men must be trained and 
drilled under a thorough and well-planned system of 
progressive instruction, while the recruiting must 
be carried on with still greater vigor. Every effort 
must be made to exalt the main function of the offi- 
cer — the command of men. The leading graduates 
of the Naval Academy should be assigned to the 
combatant branches, the line and marines. 

Many of the essentials of success are already rec- 
ognized by the General Board, which, as the central 
office of a growing staff, is moving steadily toward 
a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the 
whole Navy, under the Secretary. This General 
Board, by fostering the creation of a general staff, 
is providing for the official and then the general 
recognition of our altered conditions as a nation 
and of the true meaning of a great war fleet, which 
meaning is, first, the best men, and, second, the best 
ships. 

The Naval Militia forces are State organizations, 
and are trained for coast service, and in event of 
war they will constitute the inner line of defence. 



584 Presidential Addresses 

They should receive hearty encouragement from the 
General Government. 

But in addition we should at once provide for a 
National Naval Reserve, organized and trained 
under the direction of the Navy Department, and 
subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever 
war becomes imminent. It should be a real auxili- 
ary to the naval seagoing peace establishment, and 
offer material to be drawn on at once for manning 
our ships in time of war. It should be composed 
of graduates of the Naval Academy, graduates of 
the Naval Militia, officers and crews of coast-line 
steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and 
steam yachts, together with the coast population 
about such centres as life-saving stations and light- 
houses. 

The American people must either build and main- 
tain an adequate navy or else make up their minds 
definitely to accept a secondary position in inter- 
national affairs, not merely in political, but in com- 
mercial, matters. It has been well said that there is 
no surer way of courting national disaster than to 
be "opulent, aggressive, and unarmed." 

It is not necessary to increase our army beyond 
its present size at this time. But it is necessary to 
keep it at the highest point of efficiency. The in- 
dividual units who as officers and enlisted men com- 
pose tin's army, are, we have good reason to believe, 
at least as efficient as those of any other army in the 
entire world. It is our duty to see that their train- 



And State Papers 585 

ing is of a kind to insure the highest possible ex- 
pression of power to these units when acting in 
combination. 

The conditions of modern war are such as to make 
an infinitely heavier demand than ever before upon 
the individual character and capacity of the officer 
and the enlisted man, and to make it far more diffi- 
cult for men to act together with effect. At present 
the fighting must be done in extended order, which 
means that each man must act for himself and at the 
same time act in combination with others with whom 
he is no longer in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow 
touch. Under such conditions a few men of the high- 
est excellence are worth more than many men with- 
out the special skill which is only found as the result 
of special training applied to men of exceptional phy- 
sique and morale. But nowadays the most valuable 
fighting man and the most difficult to perfect is the 
rifleman who is also a skilful and daring rider. 

The proportion of our cavalry regiments has 
wisely been increased. The American cavalry- 
man, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal 
facility on foot and on horseback, is the best type of 
soldier for general purposes now to be found in the 
world. The ideal cavalryman of the present day 
is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the 
best infantryman, and who is in addition unsur- 
passed in the care and management of his horse 
and in his ability to fight on horseback. 

A general staff should be created. As for the 
present staff and supply departments, they should be 



586 Presidential Addresses 

filled by details from the line, the men so detailed 
returning after a while to their line duties. It is 
very undesirable to have the senior grades of the 
army composed of men who have come to fill 
the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A sys- 
tem should be adopted by which there shall be an 
elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit 
to render the best service in the next grade. Justice 
to the veterans of the Civil War who are still in the 
army would seem to require that in the matter of 
retirements they be given by law the same privileges 
accorded to their comrades in the navy. 

The process of elimination of the least fit should 
be conducted in a manner that would render it 
practically impossible to apply political or social 
pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each 
man may be judged purely on his own merits. 
Pressure for the promotion of civil officials for 
political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold 
worse where applied on behalf of officers of the 
army or navy. Every promotion and every detail 
under the War Department must be made solely 
with regard to the good of the service and to the 
capacity and merit of the man himself. No pres- 
sure, political, social, or personal, of any kind, will 
be permitted to exercise the least effect in any ques- 
tion of promotion or detail ; and if there is reason 
to believe that such pressure is exercised at the insti- 
gation of the officer concerned, it will be held to 
militate against him. In our army we can not 
afford to have rewards or duties distributed save on 



And State Papers 587 

the simple ground that those who by their own 
merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that 
those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are 
chosen to perform them. 

Every effort should be made to bring the army to 
a constantly increasing state of efficiency. When on 
actual service no work save that directly in the line 
of such service should be required. The paper work 
in the army, as in the navy, should be greatly re- 
duced. What is needed is proved power of com- 
mand and capacity to work well in the field. Con- 
stant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the 
transportation and commissary departments. 

Our army is so small and so much scattered that 
it is very difficult to give the higher officers (as well 
as the lower officers and the enlisted men) a chance 
to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a compara- 
tively large scale. In time of need no amount of 
individual excellence would avail against the paraly- 
sis which would follow inability to work as a cohe- 
rent whole, under skilful and daring leadership. 
The Congress should provide means whereby it will 
be possible to have field exercises by at least a divi- 
sion of regulars, and if possible also a division of 
national guardsmen, once a year. These exercises 
might take the form of field manoeuvres ; or, if on 
the Gulf Coast or the Pacific or Atlantic Seaboard, 
or in the region of the Great Lakes, the army corps 
when assembled could be marched from some inland 
point to some point on the water, there embarked, 
disembarked after a couple of days' journey at some 



588 Presidential Addresses 

other point, and again marched inland. Only by 
actual handling and providing for men in masses 
while they are marching, camping, embarking, and 
disembarking, will it be possible to train the higher 
officers to perform their duties well and smoothly. 

A great debt is owing from the public to the men 
of the army and navy. They should be so treated 
as to enable them to reach the highest point of effi- 
ciency, so that they may be able to respond instantly 
to any demand made upon them to sustain the in- 
terests of the nation and the honor of the flag. The 
individual American enlisted man is probably on 
the whole a more formidable fighting man than the 
regular of any other army. Every consideration 
should be shown him, and in return the highest 
standard of usefulness should be exacted from him. 
It is well worth while for the Congress to consider 
whether the pay of enlisted men upon second and 
subsequent enlistments should not be increased to 
correspond with the increased value of the veteran 
soldier. 

Much good has already come from the act reor- 
ganizing the army, passed early in the present year. 
The three prime reforms, all of them of literally in- 
estimable value, are, first, the substitution of four- 
year details from the line for permanent appoint- 
ments in the so-called staff divisions; second, the 
establishment of a corps of artillery with a chief 
at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum 
and minimum limit for the army. It would be dif- 
ficult to overestimate the improvement in the effi- 



And State Papers 589 

ciency of our army which these three reforms are 
making, and have in part already effected. 

The reorganization provided for by the act has 
been substantially accomplished. The improved con- 
ditions in the Philippines have enabled the War De- 
partment materially to reduce the military charge 
upon our revenue and to arrange the number of sol- 
diers so as to bring this number much nearer to 
the minimum than to the maximum limit estab- 
lished by law. There is, however, need of supple- 
mentary legislation. Thorough military education 
must be provided, and in addition to the regulars 
the advantages of this education should be given 
to the officers of the National Guard and others in 
civil life who desire intelligently to fit themselves 
for possible military duty. The officers should be 
given the chance to perfect themselves by study in 
the higher branches of this art. At West Point the 
education should be of the kind most apt to turn 
out men who are good in actual field service; too 
much stress should not be laid on mathematics, nor 
should proficiency therein be held to establish the 
right of entry to a corps d'elite. The typical Amer- 
ican officer of the best kind need not be a good math- 
ematician ; but he must be able to master himself, 
to control others, and to show boldness and fertility 
of resource in every emergency. 

Action should be taken in reference to the militia 
and to the raising of volunteer forces. Our militia 
law is obsolete and worthless. The organization and 
armament of the National Guard of the several 



59° Presidential Addresses 

States, which are treated as militia in the appropria- 
tions by the Congress, should be made identical with 
those provided for the regular forces. The obliga- 
tions and duties of the Guard in time of war should 
be carefully defined, and a system established by law 
under which the method of procedure of raising 
volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance. 
It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste 
of impending war to do this satisfactorily if the ar- 
rangements have not been made long beforehand. 
Provision should be made for utilizing in the first 
volunteer organizations called out the training of 
those citizens who have already had experience under 
arms, and especially for the selection in advance of 
the officers of any force which may be raised ; for 
careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible 
after the outbreak of war. 

That the army is not at all a mere instrument of 
destruction has been shown during the last three 
years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Porto Rico 
it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most 
potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful 
civilization. 

No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic 
as the veterans, the survivors of those who saved 
the Union. They did the one deed which if left 
undone would have meant that all else in our history 
went for nothing. But for their steadfast prowess 
in the greatest crisis of our history, all our annals 
would be meaningless, and our great experiment in 



And State Papers 59 r 

popular freedom and self-government a gloomy fail- 
ure. Moreover, they not only left us a united na- 
tion, but they left us also as a heritage the memory 
of the mighty deeds by which the Nation was kept 
united. We are now indeed one nation, one in fact 
as well as in name ; we are united in our devotion to 
the flag which is the symbol of national greatness 
and unity; and the very completeness of our union 
enables us all, in every part of the country, to glory 
in the valor shown alike by the sons of the North 
and the sons of the South in the times that tried 
men's souls. 

The men who in the last three years have done 
so well in the East and the West Indies and on the 
mainland of Asia have shown that this remembrance 
is not lost. In any serious crisis the United States 
must rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon 
the volunteer soldiery who do not make a permanent 
profession of the military career ; and whenever such 
a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil 
War will give to Americans the lift of lofty pur- 
pose which comes to those whose fathers have stood 
valiantly in the forefront of the battle. 

The merit system of making appointments is in 
its essence as democratic and American as the com- 
mon school system itself. It simply means that in 
clerical and other positions where the duties are en- 
tirely non-political, all applicants should have a fair 
field and no favor, each standing on his merits as 
he is able to show them by practical test. Written 



59 2 Presidential Addresses 

competitive examinations offer the only available 
means in many cases for applying this system. In 
other cases, as where laborers are employed, a sys- 
tem of registration undoubtedly can be widely ex- 
tended. There are, of course, places where the writ- 
ten competitive examination can not be applied, and 
others where it offers by no means an ideal solution, 
but where under existing political conditions it is, 
though an imperfect means, yet the best present 
means of getting satisfactory results. 

Wherever the conditions have permitted the ap- 
plication of the merit system in its fullest and widest 
sense, the gain to the government has been immense. 
The navy yards and postal service illustrate, prob- 
ably better than any other branches of the govern- 
ment, the great gain in economy, efficiency, and hon- 
esty due to the enforcement of this principle. 

I recommend the passage of a law which will ex- 
tend the classified service to the District of Co- 
lumbia, or will at least enable the President thus to 
extend it. In my judgment all laws providing for 
the temporary employment of clerks should here- 
after contain a provision that they be selected under 
the Civil Service Law. 

It is important to have this system obtain at home, 
but it is even more important to have it applied 
rigidly in our insular possessions. Not an office 
should be filled in the Philippines or Porto Rico with 
any regard to the man's partisan affiliations or ser- 
vices, with any regard to the political, social, or 
personal influence which he may have at his com- 



And State Papers 593 

mand; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely 
nothing save the man's own character and capacity 
and the needs of the service. 

The administration of these islands should be as 
wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics 
as the administration of the army and navy. All 
that we ask from the public servant in the Philip- 
pines or Porto Rico is that he reflect honor on his 
country by the way in which he makes that country's 
rule a benefit to the peoples who have come under 
it. This is all that we should ask, and we can not 
afford to be content with less. 

The merit system is simply one method of secur- 
ing honest and efficient administration of the gov- 
ernment; and in the long run the sole justification 
of any type of government lies in its proving itself 
both honest and efficient. 

The consular service is now organized under the 
provisions of a law passed in 1856, which is entirely 
inadequate to existing conditions. The interest 
shown by so many commercial bodies throughout 
the country in the reorganization of the service is 
heartily commended to your attention. Several bills 
providing for a new consular service have in recent 
years been submitted to the Congress. They are 
based upon the just principle that appointments to 
the service should be made only after a practical 
test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions should 
be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and 
zeal in the performance of duty, and that the tenure 

9— Vol. XIV 



594 Presidential Addresses 

of office should be unaffected by partisan consid- 
erations. 

The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly 
expanding foreign commerce, the protection of 
American citizens resorting to foreign countries in 
lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance 
of the dignity of the Nation abroad, combine to make 
it essential that our consuls should be men of char- 
acter, knowledge, and enterprise. It is true that the 
service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard 
of excellence can not be permanently maintained un- 
til the principles set forth in the bills heretofore 
submitted to the Congress on this subject are en- 
acted into law. 

In my judgment the time has arrived when we 
should definitely make up our minds to recognize the 
Indian as an individual and not as a member of a 
tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pul- 
verizing engine to break up the tribal mass. It acts 
directly upon the family and the individual. Under 
its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have al- 
ready become citizens of the United States. We 
should now break up the tribal funds, doing for 
them what allotment does for the tribal lands ; that 
is, they should be divided into individual holdings. 
There will be a transition period during which the 
funds will in many cases have to be held in trust. 
This is the case also with the lands. A stop should 
be put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians 
to lease their allotments. The effort should be stead- 



And State Papers S9S 

ily to make the Indian work like any other man on 
his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians 
should be made the same as those of the whites. 

In the schools the education should be elementary 
and largely industrial. The need of higher educa- 
tion among the Indians is very, very limited. On 
the reservations care should be taken to try to suit 
the teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. 
There is no use in attempting to induce agriculture in 
a country suited only for cattle raising, where the 
Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration 
system, which is merely the corral and the reserva- 
tion system, is highly detrimental to the Indians. It 
promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism, and stifles 
industry. It is an effectual barrier to progress. It 
must continue to a greater or less degree as long 
as tribes are herded on reservations and have every- 
thing- in common. The Indian should be treated as 
an individual — like the white man. During the 
change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur ; 
every effort should be made to minimize these hard- 
ships; but we should not because of them hesitate 
to make the change. There should be a continuous 
reduction in the number of agencies. 

In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are 
more important than to preserve them from the ter- 
rible physical and moral degradation resulting from 
the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save 
our own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by 
international agreement this same end can be at- 



596 Presidential Addresses 

tained as regards races where we do not possess 
exclusive control, every effort should be made to 
bring it about. 

I bespeak the most cordial support from the Con- 
gress and the people for the St. Louis Exposition to 
Commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary of 
the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the 
greatest instance of expansion in our history. It 
definitely decided that we were to become a great 
continental republic, by far the foremost power in the 
Western Hemisphere. It is one of three or four great 
landmarks in our history — the great turning-points 
in our development. It is eminently fitting that all 
our people should join with heartiest good will in 
commemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of 
Missouri, of all the adjacent region, are entitled to 
every aid in making the celebration a noteworthy 
event in our annals. We earnestly hope that for- 
eign nations will appreciate the deep interest our 
country takes in this Exposition, and our view of its 
importance from every standpoint, and that they 
will participate in securing its success. The Na- 
tional Government should be represented by a full 
and complete set of exhibits. 

The people of Charleston, with great energy and 
civic spirit, are carrying on an Exposition which 
will continue throughout most of the present session 
of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposi- 
tion to the good will of the people. It deserves all 



And State Papers 597 

the encouragement that can be given it. The man- 
agers of the Charleston Exposition have requested 
the Cabinet officers to place thereat the government 
exhibits which have been at Buffalo, promising to 
pay the necessary expenses. I have taken the re- 
sponsibility of directing that this be done, for I feel 
that it is due to Charleston to help her in her praise- 
worthy effort. In my opinion the management 
should not be required to pay all these expenses. I 
earnestly recommend that the Congress appropriate 
at once the small sum necessary for this purpose. 

The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just 
closed. Both from the industrial and the artistic 
standpoint this Exposition has been in a high de- 
gree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but 
to the United States. The terrible tragedy of the 
President's assassination interfered materially with 
its being a financial success. The Exposition was pe- 
culiarly in harmony with the trend of our public 
policy, because it represented an effort to bring into 
closer touch all the peoples of the Western Hemi- 
sphere, and give them an increasing sense of unity. 
Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire 
American public. 

The advancement of the highest interests of na- 
tional science and learning and the custody of ob- 
jects of art and of the valuable results of scientific 
expeditions conducted by the United States have 
been committed to the Smithsonian Institution. In 



598 Presidential Addresses 

furtherance of its declared purpose — for the "in- 
crease and diffusion of knowledge among men" — 
the Congress has from time to time given it other 
important functions. Such trusts have been exe- 
cuted by the Institution with notable fidelity. There 
should be no halt in the work of the Institution, in 
accordance with the plans which its Secretary has 
presented, for the preservation of the vanishing races 
of great North American animals in the National 
Zoological Park. The urgent needs of the National 
Museum are recommended to the favorable con- 
sideration of the Congress. 

Perhaps the most characteristic educational move- 
ment of the past fifty years is that which has created 
the modern public library and developed it into broad 
and active service. There are now over five thou- 
sand public libraries in the United States, the prod- 
uct of this period. In addition to accumulating ma- 
terial, they are also striving by organization, by 
improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give 
greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make 
it more widely useful, and by avoidance of unneces- 
sary duplication in process to reduce the cost of its 
administration. 

In these efforts they naturally look for assistance 
to the Federal library, which, though still the Li- 
brary of Congress, and so entitled, is the one national 
library of the United States. Already the largest 
single collection of books on the Western Hemi- 
sphere, and certain to increase more rapidly than 



And State Papers 599 

any other through purchase, exchange, and the oper- 
ation of the copyright law, this library has a unique 
opportunity to render to the libraries of this coun- 
try — to American scholarship — service of the high- 
est importance. It is housed in a building which is 
the largest and most magnificent yet erected for li- 
brary uses. Resources are now being provided which 
will develop the collection properly, equip it with the 
apparatus and service necessary to its effective use, 
render its bibliographic work widely available, and 
enable it to become, not merely a centre of research, 
but the chief factor in great co-operative efforts for 
the diffusion of knowledge and the advancement of 
learning. 

For the sake of good administration, sound econ- 
omy, and the advancement of science, the Census 
Office as now constituted should be made a perma- 
nent government bureau. This would insure better, 
cheaper, and more satisfactory work, in the interest 
not only of our business but of statistic, economic, 
and social science. 

The remarkable growth of the postal service is 
shown in the fact that its revenues have doubled and 
its expenditures have nearly doubled within twelve 
years. Its progressive development compels con- 
stantly increasing outlay, but in this period of busi- 
ness energy and prosperity its receipts grow so much 
faster than its expenses that the annual deficit has 
been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in 1897 to 



600 Presidential Addresses 

$3,923,727 in 1 90 1. Among recent postal advances 
the success of rural free delivery wherever estab- 
lished has been so marked, and actual experience has 
made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its 
extension is general and urgent. 

It is just that the great agricultural population 
should share in the improvement of the service. The 
number of rural routes now in operation is 6,009, 
practically all established within three years, and 
there are 6,000 applications awaiting action. It is 
expected that the number in operation at the close 
of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The mail 
will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 
of our people who have heretofore been dependent 
upon distant offices, and one-third of all that portion 
of the country which is adapted to it will be covered 
by this kind of service. 

The full measure of postal progress which might 
be realized has long been hampered and obstructed 
by the heavy burden imposed on the Government 
through the intrenched and well-understood abuses 
which have grown up in connection with second-class 
mail matter. The extent of this burden appears when 
it is stated that while the second-class matter makes 
nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it 
paid for the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the 
aggregate postal revenue of $111,631,193. If the 
pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss 
thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress 
with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination 
of public information, were limited to the legitimate 



And State Papers 601 

newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by 
the law, no just exception could be taken. That ex- 
pense would be the recognized and accepted cost of 
a liberal public policy deliberately adopted for a jus- 
tifiable end. But much of the matter which enjoys 
the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of 
the law, and has secured admission only through an 
evasion of its requirements or through lax construc- 
tion. The proportion of such wrongly included mat- 
ter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half of 
the whole volume of second-class mail. If it be only 
one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of the bur- 
den is apparent. The Post-Office Department has 
now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is 
possible by a stricter application of the law ; and it 
should be sustained in its effort. 

Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our 
interests on the Pacific, whatever happens in China 
must be of the keenest national concern to us. 

The general terms of the settlement of the ques- 
tions growing out of the anti-foreign uprisings in 
China of 1900, having been formulated in a joint 
note addressed to China by the representatives of 
the injured powers in December last, were promptly 
accepted by the Chinese Government. After pro- 
tracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the 
several powers were able to sign a final protocol 
with the Chinese plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last 
September, setting forth the measures taken by 
China in compliance with the demands of the joint 



602 Presidential Addresses 

note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. 
It will be laid before the Congress, with a report of 
the plenipotentiary on behalf of the United States, 
Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high 
praise is due for the tact, good judgment, and en- 
ergy he has displayed in performing an excep- 
tionally difficult and delicate task. 

The agreement reached disposes in a manner sat- 
isfactory to the powers of the various grounds of 
complaint, and will contribute materially to better 
future relations between China and the powers. 
Reparation has been made by China for the murder 
of foreigners during the uprising and punishment 
has been inflicted on the officials, however high in 
rank, recognized as responsible for or having par- 
ticipated in the outbreak. Official examinations 
have been forbidden for a period of five years in 
all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or 
cruelly treated, and edicts have been issued making 
all officials directly responsible for the future safety 
of foreigners and for the suppression of violence 
against them. 

Provisions have been made for ensuring the future 
safety of the foreign representatives in Pekin by 
setting aside for their exclusive use a quarter of the 
city which the powers can make defensible and in 
which they can if necessary maintain permanent 
military guards ; by dismantling the military works 
between the capital and the sea ; and by allowing the 
temporary maintenance of foreign military posts 
along this line. An edict has been issued by the 



And State Papers 603 

Emperor of China prohibiting for two years the im- 
portation of arms and ammunition into China. 
China has agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the 
states, societies, and individuals for the losses sus- 
tained by them and for the expenses of the military 
expeditions sent by the various powers to protect 
life and restore order. 

Under the provisions of the joint note of Decem- 
ber, 1900, China has agreed to revise the treaties 
of commerce and navigation and to take such other 
steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as 
the foreign powers may decide to be needed. 

The Chinese Government has agreed to partici- 
pate financially in the work of bettering the water 
approaches to Shanghai and to Tien-tsin, the centres 
of foreign trade in central and northern China, and 
an international conservancy board, in which the 
Chinese Government is largely represented, has been 
provided for the improvement of the Shanghai 
River and the control of its navigation. In the 
same line of commercial advantages a revision of the 
present tariff on imports has been assented to for the 
purpose of substituting specific for ad valorem duties, 
and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of 
the United States to assist in this work. A list of 
articles to remain free of duty, including flour, 
cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin and bullion, 
has also been agreed upon in the settlement. 

During these troubles our Government has un- 
swervingly advocated moderation, and has ma- 
terially aided in bringing about an adjustment 



604 Presidential Addresses 

which tends to enhance the welfare of China and 
to lead to a more beneficial intercourse between the 
Empire and the modern world ; while in the critical 
period of revolt and massacre we did our full share 
in safeguarding life and property, restoring order, 
and vindicating the national interest and honor. It 
behooves us to continue in these paths, doing what 
lies in our power to foster feelings of good will, 
and leaving no effort untried to work out the great 
policy of full and fair intercourse between China 
and the nations, on a footing of equal rights and ad- 
vantages to all. We advocate the "open door" with 
all that it implies ; not merely the procurement of 
enlarged commercial opportunities on the coasts, 
but access to the interior by the waterways with 
which China has been so extraordinarily favored. 
Only by bringing the people of China into peaceful 
and friendly community of trade with all the peoples 
of the earth can the work now auspiciously begun 
be carried to fruition. In the attainment of this 
purpose we necessarily claim parity of treatment, 
under the conventions, throughout the Empire for 
our trade and our citizens with those of all other 
powers. 

We view with lively interest and keen hopes of 
beneficial results the proceedings of the Pan-Ameri- 
can Congress, convoked at the invitation of Mexico, 
and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The dele- 
gates of the United States are under the most liberal 
instructions to co-operate with their colleagues in 



And State Papers 605 

all matters promising advantage to the great family 
of American commonwealths, as well in their re- 
lations among themselves as in their domestic ad- 
vancement and in their intercourse with the world 
at large. 

My predecessor communicated to the Congress 
the fact that the Weil and La Abra awards against 
Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts 
of our country to have been obtained through fraud 
and perjury on the part of the claimants, and that 
in accordance with the acts of the Congress the 
money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of 
State on these awards has been returned to Mexico. 
A considerable portion of the money received from 
Mexico on these awards had been paid by this Gov- 
ernment to the claimants before the decision of the 
courts was rendered. My judgment is that the 
Congress should return to Mexico an amount equal 
to the sums thus already paid to the claimants. 

The death of Queen Victoria caused the people 
of the United States deep and heartfelt sorrow, to 
which the Government gave full expression. When 
President McKinley died, our nation in turn re- 
ceived from every quarter of the British Empire 
expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere. 
The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of 
Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the 
American people; and this sympathy was cordially 
reciprocated by Germany when the President was 
assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the 



606 Presidential Addresses 

civilized world we received, at the time of the Presi- 
dent's death, assurances of such grief and regard as 
to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of 
our affliction we reverently thank the Almighty 
that we are at peace with the nations of mankind ; 
and we firmly intend that our policy shall be such 
as to continue unbroken these international relations 
of mutual respect and good will. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

White House, 
December j, 1901. 

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO 
HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGIN- 
NING OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE 
FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: 

We still continue in a period of unbounded pros- 
perity. This prosperity is not the creature of law, 
but undoubtedly the laws under which we work 
have been instrumental in creating the conditions 
which made it possible, and by unwise legislation it 
would be easy enough to destroy it. There will un- 
doubtedly be periods of depression. The wave will 
recede; but the tide will advance. This nation is 
seated on a continent flanked by two great oceans. 
It is composed of men the descendants of pioneers, 
or, in a sense, pioneers themselves ; of men win- 
nowed out from among the nations of the Old World 
by the energy, boldness, and love of adventure found 



And State Papers 607 

in their own eager hearts. Such a nation, so placed, 
will surely wrest success from fortune. 

As a people we have played a large part in the 
world, and we are bent upon making our future 
even larger than the past. In particular, the events 
of the last four years have definitely decided that, 
for woe or for weal, our place must be great among 
the nations. We may either fail greatly or succeed 
greatly; but we can not avoid the endeavor from 
which either great failure or great success must 
come. Even if we would, we can not play a small 
part. If we should try, all that would follow would 
be that we should play a large part ignobly and 
shamefully. 

But our people, the sons of the men of the Civil 
War, the sons of the men who had iron in their 
blood, rejoice in the present and face the future 
high of heart and resolute of will. Ours is not the 
creed of the weakling and the coward; ours is the 
gospel of hope and of triumphant endeavor. We 
do not shrink from the struggle before us. There 
are many problems for us to face at the outset of 
the twentieth century — grave problems abroad and 
still graver at home ; but we know that we can solve 
them and solve them well, provided only that we 
bring to the solution the qualities of head and heart 
which were shown by the men who, in the days 
of Washington, founded this government, and, in 
the days of Lincoln, preserved it. 

No country has ever occupied a higher plane of 
material well-being than ours at the present mo- 



608 Presidential Addresses 

ment. This well-being is due to no sudden or acci- 
dental causes, but to the play of the economic forces 
in this country for over a century ; to our laws, our 
sustained and continuous policies ; above all, to the 
high individual average of our citizenship. Great 
fortunes have been won by those who have taken 
the lead in this phenomenal industrial development, 
and most of these fortunes have been won, not by 
doing evil, but as an incident to action which has 
benefited the community as a whole. Never before 
has material well-being been so widely diffused 
among our people. Great fortunes have been ac- 
cumulated, and yet in the aggregate these fortunes 
are small indeed when compared to the wealth of 
the people as a whole. The plain people are better 
off than they have ever been before. The insurance 
companies, which are practically mutual benefit so- 
cieties — especially helpful to men of moderate means 
— represent accumulations of capital which are 
among the largest in this country. There are more 
deposits in the savings banks, more owners of farms, 
more well-paid wage-workers in this country now 
than ever before in our history. Of course, when 
the conditions have favored the growth of so much 
that was good, they have also favored somewhat the 
growth of what was evil. It is eminently necessary 
that we should endeavor to cut out this evil, but let 
us keep a due sense of proportion ; let us not in fix- 
ing our gaze upon the lesser evil forget the greater 
good. The evils are real and some of them are 
menacing, but they are the outgrowth, not of misery 



And State Papers 609 

or decadence, but of prosperity — of the progress of 
our gigantic industrial development. This indus- 
trial development must not be checked, but side by 
side with it should go such progressive regulation 
as will diminish the evils. We should fail in our 
duty if we did not try to remedy the evils, but we 
shall succeed only if we proceed patiently, with 
practical common-sense as well as resolution, sepa- 
rating the good from the bad and holding on.to the 
former while endeavoring to get rid of the latter. 

In my Message to the present Congress at its first 
session I discussed at length the question of the 
regulation of those big corporations commonly doing 
an interstate business, often with some tendency to 
monopoly, which are popularly known as trusts. 
The experience of the past year has emphasized, in 
my opinion, the desirability of the steps I then pro- 
posed. A fundamental requisite of social efficiency 
is a high standard of individual energy and excel- 
lence; but this is in no wise inconsistent with power 
to act in combination for aims which can not so well 
be achieved by the individual acting alone. A fun- 
damental base of civilization is the inviolability of 
property ; but this is in no wise inconsistent with the 
right of society to regulate the exercise of the arti- 
ficial powers which it confers upon the owners of 
property, under the name of corporate franchises, 
in such a way as to prevent the misuse of these 
powers. Corporations, and especially combinations 
of corporations, should be managed under public 



610 Presidential Addresses 

regulation. Experience has shown that under our 
system of government the necessary supervision can 
not be obtained by State action. It must therefore 
be achieved by national action. Our aim is not to 
do away with corporations; on the contrary, these 
big aggregations are an inevitable development of 
modern industrialism, and the effort to destroy them 
would be futile unless accomplished in ways that 
would work the utmost mischief to the entire body 
politic. We can do nothing of good in the way of 
regulating and supervising these corporations until 
we fix clearly in our minds that we are not attacking 
the corporations, but endeavoring to do away with 
any evil in them. We are not hostile to them ; 
we are merely determined that they shall be so 
handled as to subserve the public good. We draw 
the line against misconduct, not against wealth. The 
capitalist who, alone or in conjunction with his fel- 
lows, performs some great industrial feat by which 
he wins money is a welldoer, not a wrongdoer, pro- 
vided only he works in proper and legitimate lines. 
We wish to favor such a maii when he does well. 
We wish to supervise and control his actions only 
to prevent him from doing ill. Publicity can do no 
harm to the honest corporation ; and we need not be 
overtender about sparing the dishonest corporation. 
In curbing and regulating the combinations of 
capital which are or may become injurious to the 
public we must be careful not to stop the great 
enterprises which have legitimately reduced the cost 
of production, not to abandon the place which our 



And State Papers 611 

country has won in the leadership of the interna- 
tional industrial" world, not to strike down wealth 
with the result of closing factories and mines, of 
turning the wage-worker idle in the streets and leav- 
ing the farmer without a market for what he grows. 
Insistence upon the impossible means delay in achiev- 
ing the possible, exactly as, on the other hand, the 
stubborn defence alike of what is good and what 
is bad in the existing system, the resolute effort to 
obstruct any attempt at betterment, betrays blindness 
to the historic truth that wise evolution is the sure 
safeguard against revolution. 

No more important subject can come before the 
Congress than this of the regulation of interstate 
business. This country can not afford to sit supine 
on the plea that under our peculiar system of gov- 
ernment we are helpless in the presence of the new 
conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to 
cut out whatever of evil has arisen in connection 
with them. The power of the Congress to regulate 
interstate commerce is an absolute and unqualified 
grant, and without limitations other than those pre- 
scribed by the Constitution. The Congress has con- 
stituted authority to make all laws necessary and 
proper for executing this power, and I am satisfied 
that this power has not been exhausted by any legis- 
lation now on the statute books. It is evident, there- 
fore, that evils restrictive of commercial freedom 
and entailing restraint upon national commerce fall 
within the regulative power of the Congress, and 
that a w r ise and reasonable law would be a necessary 



612 Presidential Addresses 

and proper exercise of Congressional authority to the 
end that such evils should be eradicated. 

I believe that monopolies, unjust discriminations, 
which prevent or cripple competition, fraudulent 
overcapitalization, and other evils in trust organiza- 
tions and practices which injuriously affect interstate 
trade can be prevented under the power of the Con- 
gress to "regulate commerce with foreign nations 
and among the several States" through regulations 
and requirements operating directly upon such com- 
merce, the instrumentalities thereof, and those en- 
gaged therein. 

I earnestly recommend this subject to the con- 
sideration of the Congress with a view to the pas- 
sage of a law reasonable in its provisions and ef- 
fective in its operations, upon which the questions 
can be finally adjudicated that now raise doubts as to 
the necessity of constitutional amendment. If it 
prove impossible to accomplish the purposes above 
set forth by such a law, then, assuredly, we should 
not shrink from amending the Constitution so as 
to secure beyond peradventure the power sought. 

The Congress has not heretofore made any appro- 
priation for the better enforcement of the anti-trust 
law as it now stands. Very much has been done 
by the Department of Justice in securing the en- 
forcement of this law, but much more could be done 
if the Congress would make a special appropriation 
for this purpose, to be expended under the direction 
of the Attorney-General. 

One proposition advocated has been the reduction 



And State Papers 613 

of the tariff as a means of reaching the evils of the 
trusts which fall within the category I have de- 
scribed. Not merely would this be wholly ineffec- 
tive, but the diversion of our efforts in such a di- 
rection would mean the abandonment of all intelli- 
gent attempt to do away with these evils. Many of 
the largest corporations, many of those which should 
certainly be included in any proper scheme of regu- 
lation, would not be affected in the slightest degree 
by a change in the tariff, save as such change inter- 
fered with the general prosperity of the country. 
The only relation of the tariff to big corporations as 
a whole is that the tariff makes manufactures profit- 
able, and the tariff remedy proposed would be in 
effect simply to make manufactures unprofitable. To 
remove the tariff as a punitive measure directed 
against trusts would inevitably result in ruin to the 
weaker competitors who are struggling against 
them. Our aim should be not by unwise tariff 
changes to give foreign products the advantage over 
domestic products, but by proper regulation to give 
domestic competition a fair chance; and this end 
can not be reached by any tariff changes which 
would affect unfavorably all domestic competitors, 
good and bad alike. The question of regulation of 
the trusts stands apart from the question of tariff 
revision. 

Stability of economic policy must always be the 
prime economic need of this country. This stability 
should not be fossilization. The country has acqui- 
esced in the wisdom of the protective-tariff principle. 



614 Presidential Addresses 

It is exceedingly undesirable that this system should 
be destroyed or that there should be violent and radi- 
cal changes therein. Our past experience shows 
that great prosperity in this country" has always 
come under a protective tariff and that the country 
can not prosper under fitful tariff changes at short 
intervals. Moreover, if the tariff laws as a whole 
work well, and if business has prospered under them 
and is prospering, it is better to endure for a time 
slight inconveniences and inequalities in some sched- 
ules than to upset business by too quick and too radi- 
cal changes. It is most earnestly to be wished that 
we could treat the tariff from the standpoint solely 
of our business needs. It is, perhaps, too much to 
hope that partisanship may be entirely excluded from 
consideration of the subject, but at least it can be 
made secondary to the business interests of the 
country — that is, to the interests of our people as a 
whole. Unquestionably these business interests will 
best be served if together with fixity of principle as 
regards the tariff we combine a system which will 
permit us from time to time to make the necessary 
reapplication of the principle to the shifting national 
needs. We must take scrupulous care that the re- 
application shall be made in such a way that it will 
not amount to a dislocation of our system, the 
mere threat of which (not to speak of the perform- 
ance) would produce paralysis in the business ener- 
gies of the community. The first consideration in 
making these changes would, of course, be to pre- 
serve the principle which underlies our whole tariff 



And State Papers 615 

system — that is, the principle of putting American 
business interests at least on a full equality with in- 
terests abroad, and of always allowing a sufficient 
rate of duty to more than cover the difference be- 
tween the labor cost here and abroad. The well- 
being of the wage-worker, like the well-being of the 
tiller of the soil, should be treated as an essential in 
shaping our whole economic policy. There must 
never be any change which will jeopardize the stand- 
ard of comfort, the standard of wages of the Ameri- 
can wage-worker. 

One way in which the readjustment sought can 
be reached is by reciprocity treaties. It is greatly to 
be desired that such treaties may be adopted. They 
can be used to widen our markets and to give a 
greater field for the activities of our producers on 
the one hand, and on the other hand to secure in 
practical shape the lowering of duties when they 
are no longer needed for protection among our own 
people, or when the minimum of damage done may 
be disregarded for the sake of the maximum of 
good accomplished. If it prove impossible to ratify 
the pending treaties, and if there seem to be no 
warrant for the endeavor to execute others, or to 
amend the pending - treaties so that they can be rati- 
fied, then the same end — to secure reciprocity — 
should be met by direct legislation. 

Wherever the tariff conditions are such that a 
needed change can not with advantage be made by 
the application of the reciprocity idea, then it can 
be made outright by a lowering of duties on a given 



616 Presidential Addresses 

product. If possible, such change should be made 
only after the fullest consideration by practical ex- 
perts, who should approach the subject from a busi- 
ness standpoint, having in view both the particular 
interests affected and the commercial well-being of 
the people as a whole. The machinery for providing 
such careful investigation can readily be supplied. 
The .executive department has already at its dis- 
posal methods of collecting facts and figures ; and if 
the Congress desires additional consideration to that 
which will be given the subject by its own com- 
mittees, then a commission of business experts can 
be appointed whose duty it should be to recommend 
action by the Congress after a deliberate and scien- 
tific examination of the various schedules as they 
are affected by the changed and changing conditions. 
The unhurried and unbiased report of this com- 
mission would show what changes should be made 
in the various schedules, and how far these changes 
could go without also- changing the great prosperity 
which this country is now enjoying, or upsetting its 
fixed economic policy. 

The cases in which the tariff can produce a mo- 
nopoly are so few as to constitute an inconsiderable 
factor in the question ; but of course if in any case 
it be found that a given rate of duty does promote 
a monopoly which works ill, no protectionist would 
object to such reduction of the duty as would equal- 
ize competition. 

In my judgment, the tariff on anthracite coal 
should be removed, and anthracite put actually, 



And State Papers 617 

where it now is nominally, on the free list. This 
would have no effect at all save in crises; but in 
crises it might be of service to the people. 

Interest rates are a potent factor in business activ- 
ity, and in order that these rates may be equalized 
to meet the varying needs of the seasons and of 
widely separated communities, and to prevent the 
recurrence of financial stringencies which injuriously 
affect legitimate business, it is necessary that there 
should be an element of elasticity in our monetary 
system. Banks are the natural servants of com- 
merce, and upon them should be placed, as far as 
practicable, the burden of furnishing and maintain- 
ing a circulation adequate to supply the needs of 
our diversified industries and of our domestic and 
foreign commerce; and the issue of this should be 
so regulated that a sufficient supply should be al- 
ways available for the business interests of the 
country. 

It would be both unwise and unnecessary at this 
time to attempt to reconstruct our financial system, 
which has been the growth of a century; but some 
additional legislation is, I think, desirable. The 
mere outline of any plan sufficiently comprehensive 
to meet these requirements would transgress the 
appropriate limits of this communication. It is sug- 
gested, however, that all future legislation on the 
subject should be with the view of encouraging the 
use of such instrumentalities as will automatically 
supply every legitimate demand of productive in- 

10— Vol. XIV 



618 Presidential Addresses 

dustries and of commerce, not only in the amount, 
but in the character of circulation ; and of making 
all kinds of money interchangeable, and, at the will 
of the holder, convertible into the established gold 
standard. 

I again call your attention to the need of passing 
a proper immigration law, covering the points out- 
lined in my Message to you at the first session of 
the present Congress ; substantially such a bill has 
already passed the House. 

How to secure fair treatment alike for labor and 
for capital, how to hold in check the unscrupulous 
man, whether employer or employee, without weak- 
ening individual initiative, without hampering and 
cramping the industrial development of the country, 
is a problem fraught with great difficulties and one 
which it is of the highest importance to solve on 
lines of sanity and far-sighted common-sense as well 
as of devotion to the right. This is an era of federa- 
tion and combination. Exactly as business men find 
they must often work through corporations, and as 
it is a constant tendency of these corporations to 
grow larger, so it is often necessary for laboring 
men to work in federations, and these have become 
important factors of modern industrial life. Both 
kinds of federation, capitalistic and labor, can do 
much good, and as a necessary corollary they can 
botli do evil. Opposition to each kind of organiza- 
tion should take the form of opposition to whatever 
is bad in the conduct of any given corporation or un- 



And State Papers 619 

ion — not of attacks upon corporations as such nor up- 
on unions as such ; for some of the most far-reaching- 
beneficent work for our people has been accomplished 
through both corporations and unions. Each must 
refrain from arbitrary or tyrannous interference 
with the rights of others. Organized capital and 
organized labor alike should remember that in the 
long run the interest of each must be brought into 
harmony with the interest of the general public ; and 
the conduct of each must conform to the fundamen- 
tal rules of obedience to the law, of individual free- 
dom, and of justice and fair dealing toward all. Each 
should remember that in addition to power it must 
strive after the realization of healthy, lofty, and gen- 
erous ideals. Every employer, ever wage-worker, 
must be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do as 
he likes with his property or his labor so long as he 
does not infringe upon the rights of others. It is 
of the highest importance that employer and em- 
ployee alike should endeavor to appreciate each the 
viewpoint of the other and the sure disaster that will 
come upon both in the long run if either grows to 
take as habitual an attitude of sour hostility and dis- 
trust toward the other. Few people deserve better 
of the country than those representatives both of 
capital and labor — and there are many such — who 
work continually to bring about a good understand- 
ing of this kind, based upon wisdom and upon broad 
and kindly sympathy between employers and em- 
ployed. Above all, we need to remember that any 
kind of class animosity in the political world is, if 



6io Presidential Addresses 

possible, even more wicked, even more destructive 
to national welfare, than sectional, race, or religious 
animosity. We can get good government only upon 
condition that we keep true to the principles upon 
which this Nation was founded, and judge each man 
not as a part of a class, but upon his individual mer- 
its. All that we have a right to ask of any man, 
rich or poor, whatever his creed, his occupation, his 
birthplace, or his residence, is that he shall act well 
and honorably by his neighbor and by his country. 
We are neither for the rich man as such nor for the 
poor man as such ; we are for the upright man, rich 
or poor. So far as the constitutional powers of the 
National Government touch these matters of general 
and vital moment to the Nation, they should be exer- 
cised in conformity with the principles above set 
forth. 

It is earnestly hoped that a secretary of commerce 
may be created, with a seat in the Cabinet. The 
rapid multiplication of questions affecting labor and 
capital, the growth and complexity of the organiza- 
tions through which both labor and capital now find 
expression, the steady tendency toward the employ- 
ment of capital in huge corporations, and the 
wonderful strides of this country toward leadership 
in the international business world justify an urgent 
demand for the creation of such a position. Sub- 
stantially all the leading commercial bodies in this 
country have united in requesting its creation. It 
is desirable that some such measure as that which 



And State Papers 621 

has already passed the Senate be enacted into law. 
The creation of such a department would in itself 
be an advance toward dealing with and exercising 
supervision over the whole subject of the great 
corporations doing an interstate business; and with 
this end in view, the Congress should endow the 
department with large powers, which could be in- 
creased as experience might show the need. 

I hope soon to submit to the Senate a reciprocity 
treaty with Cuba. On May 20 last the United 
States kept its promise to the island by formally 
vacating Cuban soil and turning Cuba over to those 
whom her own people had chosen as the first officials 
of the new republic. 

Cuba lies at our doors, and whatever affects her 
for good or for ill affects us also. So much have 
our people felt this that in the Piatt Amendment we 
definitely took the ground that Cuba must hereafter 
have closer political relations with us than with any 
other power. Thus in a sense Cuba has become a 
part of our international political system. This 
makes it necessary that in return she should be given 
some of the benefits of becoming part of our eco- 
nomic system. It is, from our own standpoint, a 
short-sighted and mischievous policy to fail to 
recognize this need. Moreover, it is unworthy of 
a mighty and generous nation, itself the greatest 
and most successful republic in history, to refuse to 
stretch out a helping hand to a young and weak 
sister republic just entering upon its career of inde- 



622 Presidential Addresses 

pendence. We should always fearlessly insist upon 
our rights in the face of the strong, and we should 
with ungrudging hand do our generous duty by the 
weak. I urge the adoption of reciprocity with Cuba 
not only because it is eminently for our own inter- 
ests to control the Cuban market and by every means 
to foster our supremacy in the tropical lands and 
waters south of us, but also because we, of the giant 
republic of the north, should make all our sister na- 
tions of the American Continent feel that whenever 
they will permit it we desire to show ourselves dis- 
interestedly and effectively their friend. 

A convention with Great Britain has been con- 
cluded, which will be at once laid before the Senate 
for ratification, providing for reciprocal trade ar- 
rangements between the United States and New- 
foundland on substantially the lines of the conven- 
tion formerly negotiated by the Secretary of State, 
Mr. Blaine. I believe reciprocal trade relations will 
be greatly to the advantage of both countries. 

As civilization grows warfare becomes less and 
less the normal condition of foreign relations. The 
last century has seen a marked diminution of wars 
between civilized powers; wars with uncivilized 
powers are largely mere matters of international 
police duty, essential for the welfare of the world. 
Wherever possible, arbitration or some similar 
method should be employed in lieu of war to settle 
difficulties between civilized nations, although as yet 



And State Papers 623 

the world has not progressed sufficiently to render 
it possible, or necessarily desirable, to invoke arbi- 
tration in every case. The formation of the inter- 
national tribunal which sits at The Hague is an 
event of good omen from which great consequences 
for the welfare of all mankind may flow. It is 
far better, where possible, to invoke such a perma- 
nent tribunal than to create special arbitrators for 
a given purpose. 

It is a matter of sincere congratulation to our 
country that the United States and Mexico should 
have been the first to use the good offices of The 
Hague Court. This was done last summer with 
most satisfactory results in the case of a claim at 
issue between us and our sister republic. It is 
earnestly to be hoped that this first case will serve 
as. a precedent for others, in which not only the 
United States but foreign nations may take ad- 
vantage of the machinery already in existence at 
The Hague. 

I commend to the favorable consideration of the 
Congress the Hawaiian fire claims, which were the 
subject of careful investigation during the last 
session. 

The Congress has wisely provided that we shall 
build at once an Isthmian Canal, if possible at Pana- 
ma. The Attorney-General reports that we can un- 
doubtedly acquire good title from the French Pana- 
ma Canal Company. Negotiations are now pending 
with Colombia to secure her assent to our building 



624 Presidential Addresses 

the canal. This canal will be one of the greatest 
engineering feats of the twentieth century ; a greater 
engineering feat than has yet been accomplished 
during the history of mankind. The work should 
be carried out as a continuing policy without re- 
gard to change of Administration; and it should 
be begun under circumstances which will make it 
a matter of pride for all Administrations to continue 
the policy. 

The canal will be of great benefit to America, 
and of importance to all the world. It will be of 
advantage to us industrially and also as improving 
our military position. It will be of advantage to 
the countries of tropical America. It is earnestly 
to be hoped that all of these countries will do as 
some of them have already done with signal suc- 
cess, and will invite to their shores commerce and 
improve their material conditions by recognizing 
that stability and order are the prerequisites of suc- 
cessful development. No independent nation in 
America need have the slightest fear of aggression 
from the United States. It behooves each one to 
maintain order within its own borders and to dis- 
charge its just obligations to foreigners. When 
this is done they can rest assured that, be they strong 
or weak, they have nothing to dread from outside 
interference. More and more the increasing inter- 
dependence and complexity of international, politi- 
cal, and economic relations render it incumbent on 
all civilized and orderly powers to insist on the 
proper policing of the world. 



And State Papers 625 

During the fall of 1901 a communication was 
addressed to the Secretary of State, asking whether 
permission would be granted by the President to 
a corporation to lay a cable from a point on the 
California coast to the Philippine Islands by way of 
Hawaii. A statement of conditions or terms upon 
which such corporation would undertake to lay and 
operate a cable was volunteered. 

Inasmuch as the Congress was shortly to convene, 
and Pacific-cable legislation had been the subject of 
consideration by the Congress for several years, it 
seemeld to me wise to defer action upon the ap- 
plication until the Congress had first an opportunity 
to act. The Congress adjourned without taking 
any action, leaving the matter in exactly the same 
condition in which it stood when the Congress con- 
vened. 

Meanwhile it appears that the Commercial Pacific 
Cable Company had promptly proceeded with prep- 
arations for laying its cable. It also made applica- 
tion to the President for access to and use of 
soundings taken by the U. S. S. Nero, for the 
purpose of discovering a practicable route for a 
trans-Pacific cable, the company urging that with 
access to these soundings it could complete its cable 
much sooner than if it were required to take sound- 
ings upon its own account. Pending consideration 
of this subject, it appeared important and desirable 
to attach certain conditions to the permission to ex- 
amine and use the soundings, if it should be granted. 

In consequence of this solicitation of the cable 



626 Presidential Addresses 

company, certain conditions were formulated, upon 
which the President was willing to allow access to 
these soundings and to consent to the landing and 
laying of the cable, subject to any alterations or ad- 
ditions thereto imposed by the Congress. This was 
deemed proper, especially as it was clear that a cable 
connection of some kind with China, a foreign coun- 
try, was a part of the company's plan. This course 
was, moreover, in accordance with a line of prec- 
edents, including President Grant's action in the 
case of the first French cable, explained to the Con- 
gress in his Annual Message of December, 1875, 
and the instance occurring in 1879 of the second 
French cable from Brest to St. Pierre, with a branch 
to Cape Cod. 

These conditions prescribed, among other things, 
a maximum rate for commercial messages and that 
the company should construct a line from the Philip- 
pine Islands to China, there being at present, as is 
well known, a British line from Manila to Hong- 
kong. 

The representatives of the cable company kept 
these conditions long under consideration, continu- 
ing, in the meantime, to prepare for laying the cable. 
They have, however, at length acceded to them, and 
an all-American line between our Pacific coast and 
the Chinese Empire, by way of Honolulu and the 
Philippine Islands, is thus provided for, and is ex- 
pected within a few months to be ready for business. 

Among the conditions is one reserving the power 
of the Congress to modify or repeal any or all of 



And State Papers 627 

them. A copy of the conditions is herewith trans- 
mitted. 

Of Porto Rico it is only necessary to say that 
the prosperity of the island and the wisdom with 
which it has been governed have been such as to 
make it serve as an example of all that is best in 
insular administration. 

On July 4 last, on the one hundred and twenty- 
sixth anniversary of the declaration of our inde- 
pendence, peace and amnesty were promulgated in 
the Philippine Islands. Some trouble has since from 
time to time threatened with the Mohammedan Mo- 
ras, but with the late insurrectionary Filipinos the 
war has entirely ceased. Civil government has now 
been introduced. Not only does each Filipino en- 
joy such rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness as he has never before known during 
the recorded history of the islands, but the people 
taken as a whole now enjoy a measure of self- 
government greater than that granted to any other 
Orientals by any foregn power and greater than 
that enjoyed by any other Orientals under their own 
governments, save the Japanese alone. We have 
not gone too far. in granting these rights of liberty 
and self-government; but we have certainly gone 
to the limit that in the interests of the Philippine 
people themselves it was wise or just to go. To 
hurry matters, to go faster than we are now going, 
would entail calamity on the people of the islands. 



628 Presidential Addresses 

No policy ever entered into by the American people 
has vindicated itself in more signal manner than the 
policy of holding the Philippines. The triumph of 
our arms, above all the triumph of our laws and 
principles, has come sooner than we had any right 
to expect. Too much praise can not be given to 
the army for what it has done in the Philippines 
both in warfare and from an administrative stand- 
point in preparing the way for civil government; 
and similar credit belongs to the civil authorities 
for the way in which they have planted the seeds 
of self-government in the ground thus made ready 
for them. The courage, the unflinching endurance, 
the high soldierly efficiency, and the general kind- 
heartedness and humanity of our troops have been 
strikingly manifested. There now remain only some 
fifteen thousand troops in the islands. All told, 
over one hundred thousand have been sent there. 
Of course, there have been individual instances of 
wrongdoing among them. They warred under fear- 
ful difficulties of climate and surroundings; and 
under the strain of the terrible provocations which 
they continually received from their foes, occasional 
instances of cruel retaliation occurred. Every ef- 
fort has been made to prevent such cruelties, and 
finally these efforts have been completely success- 
ful. Every effort has also been made to detect and 
punish the wrongdoers. After making all allow- 
ance for these misdeeds, it remains true that few 
indeed have been the instances in which war has 
been waged by a civilized power against semi-civ- 



And State Papers 629 

ilized or barbarous forces where there has been so 
little wrongdoing by the victors as in the Philip- 
pine Islands. On the other hand, the amount of 
difficult, important, and beneficent work which has 
been done is wellnigh incalculable. 

Taking the work of the army and the civil au- 
thorities together, it may be questioned whether 
anywhere else in modern times the world has seen 
a better example of real constructive statesmanship 
than our people have given in the Philippine Islands. 
High praise should also be given those Filipinos, 
in the aggregate very numerous, who have accepted 
the new conditions and joined with our representa- 
tives to work with hearty good-will for the welfare 
of the islands. 

The army has been reduced to the minimum al- 
lowed by law. It is very small for the size of the 
nation, and most certainly should be kept at the 
highest point of efficiency. The senior officers are 
given scant chance under ordinary conditions to ex- 
ercise commands commensurate with their rank, un- 
der circumstances which would fit them to do their 
duty in the time of actual war. A system of ma- 
noeuvring our army in bodies of some little size has 
been begun and should be steadily continued. With- 
out such manoeuvres it is folly to expect that in the 
event of hostilities with any serious foe even a 
small army corps could be handled to advantage. 
Both our officers and enlisted men are such that we 
can take hearty pride in them. No better material 
can be found. But they must be thoroughly trained, 



630 Presidential Addresses 

hpth as individuals and in the mass. The marks- 
manship of the men must receive special attention. In 
the circumstances of modern warfare the man must 
act far more on his own individual responsibility 
than ever before, and the high individual efficiency 
of the unit is of the utmost importance. Formerly 
this unit was the regiment; it is now not the regi- 
ment, not even the troop or company; it is the in- 
dividual soldier. Every effort must be made to 
develop every workmanlike and soldierly quality in 
both the officer and the enlisted man. 

I urgently call your attention to the need of pass- 
ing a bill providing for a general staff and for the 
reorganization of the supply departments on the 
lines of the bill proposed by the Secretary of War 
last year. When the young officers enter the army 
from West Point they probably stand above their 
compeers in any other military service. Every ef- 
fort should be made, by training, by reward of 
merit, by scrutiny into their careers and capacity, 
to keep them of the same high relative excellence 
throughout their careers. 

The measure providing for the reorganization of 
the militia system and for securing the highest effi- 
ciency in the National Guard, which has already 
passed the House, should receive prompt attention 
and action. It is of great importance that the re- 
lation of the National Guard to the militia and vol- 
unteer forces of the United States should be de- 
fined, and that in place of our present obsolete laws 
a practical and efficient system should be adopted. 



And State Papers 631 

Provision should be made to enabfe the Secretary 
of War to keep cavalry and artillery horses, worn- 
out in long performance of duty. Such horses fetch 
but a trifle when sold; and rather than turn them 
out to the misery awaiting them when thus dis- 
posed of, it would be better to employ them at light 
work around the posts, and when necessary to put 
them painlessly to death. 

For the first time in our history naval manoeuvres 
on a large scale are being held under the immediate 
command of the admiral of the navy. Constantly 
increasing attention is being paid to the gunnery 
of the navy, but it is yet far from what it should 
be. I earnestly urge that the increase asked for by 
the Secretary of the Navy in the appropriation for 
improving the marksmanship be granted. In bat- 
tle the only shots that count are the shots that hit. 
It is necessary to provide ample funds for practice 
with the great guns in time of peace. These funds 
must provide not only for the purchase of projectiles, 
but for allowances for prizes to encourage the gun 
crews, and especially the gun pointers, and for 
perfecting an intelligent system under which alone 
it is possible to get good practice. 

There should be no halt in the work of build- 
ing up the navy, providing every year additional 
fighting craft. We are a very rich country, vast 
in extent of territory and great in population; a 
country, moreover, which has an army diminutive 
indeed when compared with that of any other first- 



632 Presidential Addresses 

class power. We have deliberately made our own 
certain foreign policies which demand the posses- 
sion of a first-class navy. The Isthmian Canal will 
greatly increase the efficiency of our navy if the 
navy is of sufficient size; but if we have an inade- 
quate navy, then the building of the canal would 
be merely giving a hostage to any power of superior 
strength. The Monroe Doctrine should be treated 
as the cardinal feature of American foreign policy; 
but it would be worse than idle to assert it unless 
we intended to back it up, and it can be backed 
up only by a thoroughly good navy. A good navy 
is not a provocative of war. It is the surest guar- 
anty of peace. 

Each individual unit of our navy should be the 
most efficient of its kind as regards both material 
and personnel that is to be found in the world. I 
call your special attention to the need of providing 
for the manning of the ships. Serious trouble 
threatens us if we can not do better than we are 
now doing as regards securing the services of a 
sufficient number of the highest type of sailormen, 
of sea mechanics. The veteran seamen of our war- 
ships are of as high a type as can be found in any 
navy which rides the waters of the world; they are 
unsurpassed in daring, in resolution, in readiness, in 
thorough knowledge of their profession. They de- 
serve every consideration that can be shown them. 
But there are not enough of them. It is no more 
possible to improvise a crew than it is- possible to im- 
provise a warship. To build the finest ship, with 



And State Papers 633 

the deadliest battery, and to send it afloat with a 
raw crew, no matter how brave they were individu- 
ally, would be to insure disaster if a foe of average 
capacity were encountered. Neither ships nor men 
can be improvised when war has begun. 

We need a thousand additional officers in order 
to properly man the ships now provided for and 
under construction. The classes at the naval school 
at Annapolis should be greatly enlarged. At the 
same time that we thus add the officers where we 
need them, we should facilitate the retirement of 
those at the head of the list whose usefulness has 
become impaired. Promotion must be fostered if 
the service is to be kept efficient. 

The lamentable scarcity of officers, and the large 
number of recruits and of unskilled men necessarily 
put aboard the new vessels as they have been com- 
missioned, has thrown upon our officers, and espe- 
cially on the lieutenants and junior grades, unusual 
labor and fatigue and has gravely strained their 
powers of endurance. Nor is there sign of any im- 
mediate let-up in this strain. It must continue for 
some time longer, until more officers are graduated 
from Annapolis, and until the recruits become trained 
and skilful in their duties. In these difficulties inci- 
dent upon the development of our war fleet the con- 
duct of all our officers has been creditable to the 
service, and the lieutenants and junior grades in 
particular have displayed an ability and a stead- 
fast cheerfulness which entitles them to the un- 
grudging thanks of all who realize the disheartening 



634 Presidential Addresses 

trials and fatigues to which they are of necessity 
subjected. 

There is not a cloud on the horizon at present. 
There seems not the slightest chance of trouble with 
a foreign power. We most earnestly hope that this 
state of things may continue ; and the way to insure 
its continuance is to provide for a thoroughly effi- 
cient navy. The refusal to maintain such a navy 
would invite trouble, and if trouble came would en- 
sure disaster. Fatuous self-complacency or vanity, 
or short-sightedness in refusing to prepare for dan- 
ger, is both foolish and wicked in such a nation as 
ours ; and past experience has shown that such fatu- 
ity in refusing to recognize or prepare for any crisis 
in advance is usually succeeded by a mad panic of 
hysterical fear once the crisis has actually arrived. 

The striking increase in the revenues of the Post- 
Office Department shows clearly the prosperity of 
our people and the increasing activity of the business 
of the country. 

The receipts of the Post-Office Department for 
the fiscal year ending June 30 last amounted to $121, - 
848,047.26, an increase of $10,216,853.87 over the 
preceding year, the largest increase known in the his- 
tory of the postal service. The magnitude of this 
increase will best appear from the fact that the en- 
tire postal receipts for the year i860 amounted to 
but $8,518,067. 

Rural free-delivery service is no longer in the ex- 
perimental stage ; it has become a fixed policy. The 



And State Papers 635 

results following its introduction have fully justified 
the Congress in the large appropriations made for its 
establishment and extension. The average yearly 
increase in post-office receipts in the rural districts 
of the country is about two per cent. We are now 
able, by actual results, to show that where rural free- 
delivery service has been established to such an ex- 
tent as to enable us to make comparisons the yearly 
increase has been upward of ten per cent. 

On November 1, 1902, 11,650 rural free-delivery 
routes had been established and were in operation, 
covering about one-third of the territory of the 
United States available for rural free-delivery ser- 
vice. There are now awaiting the action of the De- 
partment petitions and applications for the estab- 
lishment of 10,748 additional routes. This shows 
conclusively the want which the establishment of 
the service has met and the need of further extend- 
ing it as rapidly as possible. It is justified both by 
the financial results and by the practical benefits to 
our rural population ; it brings the men who live on 
the soil into close relations with the active business 
world ; it keeps the farmer in daily touch with the 
markets ; it is a potential educational force ; it en- 
hances the value of farm property, makes farm life 
far pleasanter and less isolated, and will do much 
to check the undesirable current from country to 
city. 

It is to be hoped that the Congress will make lib- 
eral appropriations for the continuance of the service 
already established and for its further extension. 



636 Presidential Addresses 

Few subjects of more importance have been taken 
up by the Congress in recent years than the inaugu- 
ration of the system of nationally- aided irrigation 
for the arid regions of the far West. A good be- 
ginning therein has been made. Now that this pol- 
icy of national irrigation has been adopted, the need 
of thorough and scientific forest protection will grow 
more rapidly than ever throughout the public-land 
States. 

Legislation should be provided for the protection 
of the game, and the wild creatures generally, on 
the forest reserves. The senseless slaughter of 
game, which can by judicious protection be perma- 
nently preserved on our national reserves for the 
people as a whole, should be stopped at once. It is, 
for instance, a serious count against our national 
good sense to permit the present practice of butcher- 
ing off such a stately and beautiful creature as the 
elk for its antlers or tusks. 

So far as they are available for agriculture, and 
to whatever extent they may be reclaimed under the 
national irrigation law, the remaining public lands 
should be held rigidly for the home builder, the set- 
tler who lives on his land, and for no one else. In 
their actual use the desert-land law, the timber and 
stone law, and the commutation clause of the home- 
stead law have been so perverted from the intention 
with which they were enacted as to permit the ac- 
quisition of large areas of the public domain for 
other than actual settlers and the consequent preven- 
tion of settlement. Moreover, the approaching ex- 



And State Papers 637 

haustion of the public ranges has of late led to much 
discussion as to the best manner of using these public 
lands in the West which are suitable chiefly or only 
for grazing. The sound and steady development of 
the West depends upon the building up of homes 
therein. Much of our prosperity as a nation has 
been clue to the operation of the homestead law. On 
the other hand, we should recognize the fact that in 
the grazing region the man who corresponds to the 
homesteader may be unable to settle permanently if 
only allowed to use the same amount of pasture land 
that his brother, the homesteader, is allowed to use 
of arable land. One hundred and sixty acres of 
fairly rich and well-watered soil, or a much smaller 
amount of irrigated land, may keep a family in 
plenty, whereas no one could get a living from one 
hundred and sixty acres of dry pasture land capable 
of supporting at the outside only one head of cattle 
to every ten acres. In the past great tracts of the 
public domain have been fenced in by persons hav- 
ing no title thereto, in direct defiance of the law for- 
bidding the maintenance or construction of any such 
unlawful inclosure of public land. For various rea- 
sons there has been little interference with such in- 
cisures in the past, but ample notice has now been 
given the trespassers, and all the resources at the 
command of the Government will hereafter be used 
to put a stop to such trespassing. 

In view of the capital importance of these matters, 
I commend them to the earnest consideration of the 
Congress, and if the Congress finds difficulty in deal- 



638 Presidential Addresses 

ing with them from lack of thorough knowledge of 
the subject, I recommend that provision be made for 
a commission of experts specially to investigate and 
report upon the complicated questions involved. 

I especially urge upon the Congress the need of 
wise legislation for Alaska. It is not to our credit 
as a nation that Alaska, which has been ours for 
thirty-five years, should still have as poor a system 
of laws as is the case. No country has a more valu- 
able possession — in mineral wealth, in fisheries, furs, 
forests, and also in land available for certain kinds 
of farming and stock-growing. It is a territory of 
great size and varied resources) well fitted to support 
a large permanent population. Alaska needs a good 
land law and such provisions for homesteads and pre- 
emptions as will encourage permanent settlement. 
We should shape legislation with a view not to the 
exploiting and abandoning of the territory, but to 
the building up of homes therein. The land laws 
should be liberal in type, so as to hold out induce- 
ments to the actual settler whom we most desire to 
see take possession of the country. The forests of 
Alaska should be protected, and, as a secondary but 
still important matter, the game also, and at the 
same time it is imperative that the settlers should 
be allowed to cut timber, under proper regulations, 
for their own use. Laws should be enacted to pro- 
tect the Alaskan salmon fisheries against the greed 
which would destroy them. They should be pre- 
served as a permanent industry and food supply. 



And State Papers 639 

Their management and control should be turned over 
to the Commission of Fish and Fisheries. Alaska 
should have a Delegate in the Congress. It would 
be well if a Congressional committee could visit 
Alaska and investigate its needs on the ground. 

In dealing with the Indians our aim should be 
their ultimate absorption into the body of our peo- 
ple. But in many cases this absorption must and 
should be very slow. In portions of the Indian Ter- 
ritory the mixture of blood has gone on at the same 
time with progress in wealth and education, so that 
there are plenty of men with varying degrees of 
purity of Indian blood who are absolutely indistin- 
guishable in point of social, political, and economic 
ability from their white associates. There are other 
tribes which have as yet made no perceptible advance 
toward such equality. To try to force such tribes 
too fast is to prevent their going forward at all. 
Moreover, the tribes live under widely different con- 
ditions. Where a tribe has made considerable ad- 
vance and lives on fertile farming soil it is possible 
to allot the members lands in severalty much as is 
the case with white settlers. There are other tribes 
where such a course is not desirable. On the arid 
prairie lands the effort should be to induce the In- 
dians to lead pastoral rather than agricultural lives, 
and to permit them to settle in villages rather than 
to force them into isolation. 

The large Indian schools situated remote from 
any Indian reservation do a special and peculiar work 



640 Presidential Addresses 

of great importance. But, excellent though these 
are, an immense amount of additional work must be 
done on the reservations themselves among the old, 
and above all among the young, Indians. 

The first and most important step toward the ab- 
sorption of the Indian is to teach him to earn his 
living; yet it is not necessarily to be assumed that in 
each community all Indians must become either till- 
ers of the soil or stock raisers. Their industries may 
properly be diversified, and those who show special 
desire or adaptability for industrial or even commer- 
tial pursuits should be encouraged so far as practica- 
ble to follow out each his own bent. 

Every effort should be made to develop the In- 
dian along the lines of natural aptitude, and to en- 
courage the existing native industries peculiar to 
certain tribes, such as the various kinds of basket 
weaving, canoe building, smith work, and blanket 
work. Above all, the Indian boys and girls should 
be given confident command of colloquial English, 
and should ordinarily be prepared for a vigorous 
struggle with the conditions under which their peo- 
ple live, rather than for immediate absorption into 
some more highly developed community. 

The officials who represent the Government in 
dealing with the Indians work under hard condi- 
tions, and also under conditions which render it 
easy to do wrong and very difficult to detect wrong. 
Consequently they should be amply paid on the one 
hand, and on the other hand a particularly high 
standard of conduct should be demanded from them, 



And State Papers 641 

and where misconduct can be proved the punishment 
should be exemplary. 

In no department of governmental work in re- 
cent years has there been greater success than in that 
of giving scientific aid to the farming population, 
thereby showing them how most efficiently to help 
themselves. There is no need of insisting upon its 
importance, for the welfare of the farmer is funda- 
mentally necessary to the welfare of the Republic 
as a whole. In addition to such work as quarantine 
against animal and vegetable plagues, and warring 
against them when here introduced, much efficient 
help has been rendered to the farmer by the intro- 
duction of new plants specially fitted for cultivation 
under the peculiar conditions existing in different 
portions of the country. New cereals have been es- 
tablished in the semi-arid West. For instance, the 
practicability of producing the best types of maca- 
roni wheats in regions of an annual rainfall of only 
ten inches or thereabouts has been conclusively dem- 
onstrated. Through the introduction of new rices 
in Louisiana and Texas the production of rice in this 
country has been made to about equal the home de- 
mand. In the Southwest the possibility of regrass- 
ing over-stocked range lands has been demonstrated ; 
in the North many new forage crops have been 
introduced, while in the East it has been shown 
that some of our choicest fruits can be stored and 
shipped in such a way as to find a profitable market 

abroad. 

11— Vol. XIV 



642 Presidential Addresses 

I again recommend to the favorable consideration 
of the Congress the plans of the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution for making the Museum under its charge 
worthy of the Nation, and for preserving at the Na- 
tional Capital not only records of the vanishing races 
of men but of the animals of this continent which, 
like the buffalo, will soon become extinct unless spec- 
imens from which their representatives may be re- 
newed are sought in their native regions and main- 
tained there in safety. 

The District of Columbia is the only part of our 
territory in which the National Government exer- 
cises local or municipal functions, and where in 
consequence the Government has a free hand in ref- 
erence to certain types of social and economic legis- 
lation which must be essentially local or municipal 
in their character. The Government should see to 
it, for instance, that the hygienic and sanitary legis- 
lation affecting Washington is of a high character. 
The evils of slum dwellings, whether in the shape 
of crowded and congested tenement-house districts 
or of the back-alley type, should never be permitted 
to grow N up in Washington. The city should be a 
model in every respect for all the cities of the coun- 
try. The charitable and correctional systems of the 
District should receive consideration at the hands of 
the Congress to the end that they may embody the 
results of the most advanced thought in these fields. 
Moreover, while Washington is not a great indus- 
trial city, there is some industrialism here, and our 



And State Papers 643 

labor legislation, while it would not be important in 
itself, might be made a model for the rest of the 
Nation. We should pass, for instance, a wise em- 
ployer's-liability act for the District of Columbia, 
and we need such an act in our navy yards. Rail- 
road companies in the District ought to be required 
by law to block their frogs. 

The safety-appliance law, for the better protection 
of the lives and limbs of railway employees, which 
was passed in 1893, went into full effect on August 
1, 1 90 1. It has resulted in averting thousands of 
casualties. Experience shows, however, the neces- 
sity of additional legislation to perfect this law. A 
bill to provide for this passed the Senate at the last 
session. It is to be hoped that some such measure 
may now be enacted into law. 

There is a growing tendency to provide for the 
publication of masses of documents for which there 
is no public demand and for the printing of which 
there is no real necessity. Large numbers of vol- 
umes are turned out by the Government printing 
presses for which there is no justification. Nothing 
should be printed by any of the Departments unless 
it contains something of permanent value, and the 
Congress could with advantage cut down very mate- 
rially on all the printing which it has now become 
customary to provide. The excessive cost of Gov- 
ernment printing is a strong argument against the 
position of those who are inclined on abstract 



644 Presidential Addresses 

grounds to advocate the Government's doing any 
work which can with propriety be left in private 
hands. 

Gratifying progress has been made during the 
year in the extension of the merit system of making 
appointments in the Government service. It should 
be extended by law to the District of Columbia. It 
is much to be desired that our consular system be 
established by law on a basis providing for appoint- 
ment and promotion only in consequence of proved 
fitness. 

Through a wise provision of the Congress at its 
last session, the White House, which had become 
disfigured by incongruous additions and changes, 
has now been restored to what it was planned to be 
by Washington. In making the restorations the 
utmost care has been exercised to come as near as 
possible to the early plans and to supplement these 
plans by a careful study of such buildings as that of 
the University of Virginia, which was built by Jef- 
ferson. The White House is the property of the 
Nation, and so far as is compatible with living there- 
in it should be kept as it originally was, for the same 
reasons that we keep Mount Vernon as it originally 
was. The stately simplicity of its architecture is 
an expression of the character of the period in which 
it was built, and is in accord with the purposes it was 
designed to serve. It is a good thing to preserve 
such buildings as historic monuments which keep 



And State Papers 645 

alive our sense of continuity with the Nation's 
past. 

The reports of the several Executive Departments 
are submitted to the Congress with this communi- 
cation. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

White House, 
December 2, 1902. 

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO 
HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGIN- 
NING OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE 
FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS 

To the Senate and Home of Representatives: 

I have convened the Congress that it may con- 
sider the legislation necessary to put into operation 
the commercial treaty with Cuba, which was ratified 
by the Senate at its last session, and subsequently 
by the Cuban Government. I deem such legislation 
demanded not only by our interest but by our honor. 
We can not with propriety abandon the course upon 
which we have so wisely embarked. When the ac- 
ceptance of the Piatt Amendment was required from 
Cuba by the action of the Congress of the United 
States, this Government thereby definitely commit- 
ted itself to the policy of treating Cuba as occupying 
a unique position as regards this country. It was 
provided that when the island became a free and in- 
dependent republic she should stand in such close 



646 Presidential Addresses 

relations with ns as in certain respects to come with- 
in our system of international policy; and it neces- 
sarily followed that she must also to a certain degree 
become included within the lines of our economic 
policy. Situated as Cuba is, it would not be pos- 
sible for this country to permit the strategic abuse 
of the island by any foreign military power. It is 
for this reason that certain limitations have been 
imposed upon her financial policy, and that naval 
stations have been conceded by her to the United 
States. The negotiations as to the details of these 
naval stations are on the eve of completion. They 
are so situated as to prevent any idea that there is 
the intention ever to use them against Cuba, or 
otherwise than for the protection of Cuba from the 
assaults of foreign foes, and for the better safe- 
guarding of American interests in the waters south 
of us. 

These interests have been largely increased by the 
consequences of the war with Spain, and will be still 
further increased by the building of the Isthmian 
Canal. They are both military and economic. The 
granting to us by Cuba of the naval stations above 
alluded to is of the utmost importance from a mili- 
tary standpoint, and is proof of the good faith with 
which Cuba is treating us. Cuba has made great 
progress since her independence was established. 
She has advanced steadily in every way. She al- 
ready stands high among her sister republics of the 
New World. She is loyally observing her obligations 
to us; and she is entitled to like treatment by us. 



And State Papers 647 

The treaty submitted to you for approval secures 
to the United States economic advantages as great 
as those given to Cuba. Not an American interest 
is sacrificed. By the treaty a large Cuban market is 
secured to our producers. It is a market which lies 
at our doors, which is already large, which is capa- 
ble of great expansion, and which is especially im- 
portant to the development of our export trade. It 
would be indeed shortsighted for us to refuse to 
take advantage of such an opportunity, and to force 
Cuba into making arrangements with other countries 
to our disadvantage. 

This reciprocity treaty stands by itself. It is de- 
manded on considerations of broad national policy 
as well as by our economic interest. It will do harm 
to no industry. It will benefit many industries. It 
is in the interest of our people as a whole, both be- 
cause of its importance from the broad standpoint 
of international policy, and because economically it 
intimately concerns us to develop and secure the rich 
Cuban market for our farmers, artisans, merchants, 
and manufacturers. Finally, it is desirable as a 
guaranty of the good faith of our Nation toward 
her young sister republic to the south, whose wel- 
fare must ever be closely bound with ours. We gave 
her liberty. We are knit to her by the memories 
of the blood and the courage of our soldiers who 
fought for her in war ; by the memory of the wisdom 
and integrity of our administrators who served her 
in peace and who started her so well on the difficult 
path of self-government. We must help her onward 



648 Presidential Addresses 

and upward; and in helping her we shall help our- 
selves. 

The foregoing considerations caused the negotia- 
tions of the treaty with Cuba and its ratification by 
the Senate. They now with equal force support 
the legislation by the Congress which by the terms 
of the treaty is necessary to render it operative. A 
failure to enact such legislation would come peril- 
ously near a repudiation of the pledged faith of the 
Nation. 

I transmit herewith the treaty, as amended by the 
Senate and ratified by the Cuban Government. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 
White House, 
November 10, ipoj. 

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO 
HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGIN- 
NING OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE 
FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: 

The country is to be congratulated on the amount 
of substantial achievement which has marked the 
past year both as regards our foreign and as regards 
our domestic policy. 

With a nation as with a man the most important 
things are those of the household, and therefore the 
country is especially to be congratulated on what 
has been accomplished in the direction of providing 



And State Papers 649 

for the exercise of supervision over the great cor- 
porations and combinations of corporations engaged 
in interstate commerce. The Congress has created 
the Department of Commerce and Labor, including 
the Bureau of Corporations, with for the first time 
authority to secure proper publicity of such proceed- 
ings of these great corporations as the public has 
the right to know. It has provided for the expedit- 
ing of suits for the enforcement of the Federal anti- 
trust law ; and by another law it has secured equal 
treatment to all producers in the transportation of 
their goods, thus taking a long stride forward in 
making effective the work of the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission. 

The establishment of the Department of Com- 
merce and Labor, with the Bureau of Corporations 
thereunder, marks a real advance in the direction of 
doing all that is possible for the solution of the ques- 
tions vitally affecting capitalists and wage-workers. 
The act creating the Department was approved on 
February 14, 1903, and two days later the head 
of the Department was nominated and confirmed 
by the Senate. Since then the work of organization 
has been pushed as rapidly as the initial appropria- 
tions permitted, and with due regard to thorough- 
ness and the broad purposes which the Department 
is designed to serve. After the transfer of the 
various bureaus and branches to the Department at 
the beginning of the current fiscal year, as provided 
for in the act, the personnel comprised 1,289 em " 
ployees in Washington and 8,836 in the country at 



650 Presidential Addresses 

large. The scope of the Department's duty and 
authority embraces the commercial and industrial 
interests of the Nation. It is not designed to restrict 
or control the fullest liberty of legitimate business 
action, but to secure exact and authentic informa- 
tion which will aid the Executive in enforcing 
existing laws, and which will enable the Congress to 
enact additional legislation, if any should be found 
necessary, in order to prevent the few from obtaining 
privileges at the expense of diminished opportuni- 
ties for the many. 

The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corpora- 
tions in the Department has shown the wisdom of 
its creation. Publicity in corporate affairs will tend 
to do away with ignorance, and will afford facts 
upon which intelligent action .may be taken. Sys- 
tematic, intelligent investigation is already develop- 
ing facts the knowledge of which is essential to a 
right understanding of the needs and duties of the 
business world. The corporation which is honestly 
and fairly organized, whose managers in thegconduct 
of its business recognize their obligation to deal 
squarely with their stockholders, their competitors, 
and the public, has nothing to fear from such super- 
vision. The purpose of this Bureau is not to em- 
barrass or assail legitimate business, but to aid in 
bringing about a better industrial condition — a con- 
dition under which there shall be obedience to law 
and recognition of public obligation by all corpora- 
tions, great or small. The Department of Com- 
merce and Labor will be not only the clearing house 



And State Papers 651 

for information regarding the business transactions 
of the Nation but the executive arm of the Govern- 
ment to aid in strengthening our domestic and for- 
eign markets, in perfecting our transportation fa- 
cilities, in building up our merchant marine, in pre- 
venting the entrance of undesirable immigrants, in 
improving commercial and industrial conditions, and 
in bringing together on common ground those neces- 
sary partners in industrial progress — capital and 
labor. Commerce between the nations is steadily 
growing in volume, and the tendency of the times is 
toward closer trade relations. Constant watchful- 
ness is needed to secure to Americans the chance to 
participate to the best advantage in foreign trade; 
and we may confidently expect that the new Depart- 
ment will justify the expectation of its creators by 
the exercise of this watchfulness, as well as by the 
businesslike administration of such laws relating to 
our internal affairs as are intrusted to its care. 

In enacting the laws above enumerated the Con- 
gress proceeded on sane and conservative lines. 
Nothing revolutionary was attempted ; but a com- 
mon-sense and successful effort was made in the 
direction of seeing that corporations are so handled 
as to subserve the public good. The legislation was 
moderate. It was characterized throughout by the 
idea that we were not attacking corporations, but en- 
deavoring to provide for doing away with any evil 
in them; that we drew the line against misconduct, 
not against wealth ; gladly recognizing the great 
good done by the capitalist who alone, or in con- 



652 Presidential Addresses 

junction with his fellows, does his work along proper 
and legitimate lines. The purpose of the legislation, 
which purpose will undoubtedly be fulfilled, was 
to favor such a man when he does well, and to super- 
vise his action only to prevent him from doing ill. 
Publicity can do no harm to the honest corporation. 
The only corporation that has cause to dread it is the 
corporation which shrinks from the light, and about 
the welfare of such corporations we need not be over- 
sensitive. The work of the Department of Com- 
merce and Labor has been conditioned upon this 
theory, of securing fair treatment alike for labor and 
for capital. 

The consistent policy of the National Government, 
so far as it has the power, is to hold in check the 
unscrupulous man, whether employer or employee ; 
but to refuse to weaken individual initiative or to 
hamper or cramp the industrial development of the 
country. We recognize that this is an era of fed- 
eration and combination, in which great capitalistic 
corporations and labor unions have become factors 
of tremendous importance in all industrial centres. 
Hearty recognition is given the far-reaching, be- 
neficent work which has been accomplished through 
both corporations and unions, and the line as be- 
tween different corporations, as between different 
unions, is drawn as it is between different individ- 
uals ; that is, it is drawn on conduct, the effort being 
to treat both organized capital and organized labor 
alike, asking nothing save that the interest of each 



And State Papers 653 

shall be brought into harmony with the interest of 
the general public, and that the conduct of each shall 
conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to 
law, of individual freedom, and of justice and fair 
dealing towards all. Whenever either corporation, 
labor union, or individual disregards the law or acts 
in a spirit of arbitrary and tyrannous interference 
with the rights of others, whether corporations or 
individuals, then where the Federal Government 
has jurisdiction, it will see to it that the misconduct 
is stopped, paying not the slightest heed to the posi- 
tion or power of the corporation, the union or the 
individual, but only to one vital fact — that is, the 
question whether or not the conduct of the individual 
or aggregate of individuals is in accordance with the 
law of the land. Every man must be guaranteed 
his liberty and his right to do as he likes with his 
property or his labor, so long as he does not in- 
fringe the rights of others. No man is above the 
law and no man is below it; nor do we ask any 
man's permission when we require him to obey it. 
Obedience to the law is demanded as a right ; not 
asked as a favor. 

We have cause as a Nation to be thankful for the 
steps that have been so successfully taken to put 
these principles into effect. The progress has been 
by evolution, not by revolution. Nothing radical 
has been done; the action has been both moderate 
and resolute. Therefore the work will stand. There 
shall be no backward step. If in the working of the 
laws it proves desirable that they shall at any point 



654 Presidential Addresses 

be expanded or amplified, the amendment can be 
made as its desirability is shown. Meanwhile they 
are being administered with judgment, but with in- 
sistence upon obedience to them ; and their need has 
been emphasized in signal fashion by the events of 
the past year. 

* 

From all sources, exclusive of the postal service, 
the receipts of the Government for the last fiscal year 
aggregated $560,396,674. The expenditures for the 
same period were $506,099,007, the surplus for the 
fiscal year being $54,297,667. The indications are 
that the surplus for the present fiscal year will be 
very small, if indeed there be any surplus. From 
July to November the receipts from customs were, 
approximately, nine million dollars less than the 
receipts from the same source for a corresponding 
portion of last year. Should this decrease continue 
at the same ratio throughout the fiscal year, the 
surplus would be reduced by, approximately, thirty 
million dollars. Should the revenue from customs 
suffer much further decrease during the fiscal year, 
the surplus would vanish. A large surplus is cer- 
tainly undesirable. Two years ago the war taxes 
were taken off with the express intention of equaliz- 
ing the governmental receipts and expenditures, 
and though the first year thereafter still showed a 
surplus, it now seems likely that a substantial equal- 
ity of revenue and expenditure will be attained. 
Such being the case it is of great moment both to 
exercise care and economy in appropriations, and 



And State Papers 6$$ 

to scan sharply any change in our fiscal revenue sys- 
tem which may reduce our income. The need of 
strict economy in our expenditures is emphasized by 
the fact that we can not afford to be parsimonious in 
providing for what is essential to our national well- 
being. Careful economy wherever possible will alone 
prevent our income from falling below the point re- 
quired in order to meet our genuine needs. 

The integrity of our currency is beyond question, 
and under present conditions it would be unwise 
and unnecessary to attempt a reconstruction of our 
entire monetary system. The same liberty should 
be granted the Secretary of the Treasury to deposit 
customs receipts as is granted him in the deposit of 
receipts from other sources. In my Message of De- 
cember 2, 1902, I called attention to certain needs 
of the financial situation, and I again ask the consid- 
eration of the Congress for these questions. 

During the last session of the Congress, at the 
suggestion of a joint note from the Republic of 
Mexico and the Imperial Government of China, and 
in harmony with an act of the Congress appro- 
priating $25,000 to pay the expenses thereof, a com- 
mission was appointed to confer with the principal 
European countries in the hope that some plan might 
be devised whereby a fixed rate of exchange could 
be assured between the gold-standard countries and 
the silver-standard countries. This commission has 
filed its preliminary report, which has been made 
public. I deem it important that the commission be 



656 Presidential Addresses 

continued, and that a sum of money be appropriated 
sufficient to pay the expenses of its further labors. 

A majority of our people desire that steps be taken 
in the interests of American shipping, so that we may 
once more resume our former position in the oce-an 
carrying trade. But hitherto the differences of opin- 
ion as to the proper method of reaching this end 
have been so wide that it has proved impossible to 
secure the adoption of any particular scheme. Hav- 
ing in view these facts, I recommend that the Con- 
gress direct the Secretary of the Navy, the Post- 
master-General, and the Secretary of Commerce 
and Labor, associated with such a representation 
from the Senate and House of Representatives as the 
Congress in its wisdom may designate, to serve as a 
commission for the purpose of investigating and 
reporting to the Congress at its next session what 
legislation is desirable or necessary for the develop- 
ment of the American merchant marine and Ameri- 
can commerce, and incidentally of a national ocean 
mail service of adequate auxiliary naval cruisers and 
naval reserves. While such a measure is desirable 
in any event, it is especially desirable at this time, 
in view of the fact that our present governmental 
contract for ocean mail with the American Line 
will expire in 1905. Our ocean mail act was passed 
in 1 89 1. In 1895 our 20-knot transatlantic mail 
line was equal to any foreign line. Since then 
the Germans have put on 23-knot steamers, and the 
British have contracted for 24-knot steamers. Our 



And State Papers 657 

service should equal the best. If it does not, the 
commercial public will abandon it. If we are to stay 
in the business it ought to be with a full under- 
standing of the advantages to the country on one 
hand, and on the other with exact knowledge of the 
cost and proper methods of carrying it on. More- 
over, lines of cargo ships are of even more impor- 
tance than fast mail lines, save so far as the latter 
can be depended upon to furnish swift auxiliary 
cruisers in time of war. The establishment of new 
lines of cargo ships to South America, to Asia, and 
elsewhere would be much in the interest of our 
commercial expansion. 

We can not have too much immigration of the 
right kind, and we should have none at all of the 
wrong kind. The need is to devise some system by 
which undesirable immigrants shall be kept out en- 
tirely, while desirable immigrants are properly dis- 
tributed throughout the country. At present some 
districts which need immigrants have none; and in 
others, where the population is already congested, 
immigrants come in such numbers as to depress the 
conditions of life for those already there. During 
the last two years the immigration service at New 
York has been greatly improved, and the corruption 
and inefficiency which formerly obtained there have 
been eradicated. This service has just been investi- 
gated by a committee of New York citizens of high 
standing, Messrs. Arthur v. Briesen, Lee K. Frankel, 
Eugene A. Philbin, Thomas W. Hynes, and Ralph 



658 Presidential Addresses 

Trautman. Their report deals with the whole sit- 
uation at length, and concludes with certain recom- 
mendations for administrative and legislative action. 
It is now receiving the attention of the Secretary 
of Commerce and Labor. 

The special investigation of the subject of natural- 
ization under the direction of the Attorney-General, 
and the consequent prosecutions, reveal a condition 
of affairs calling for the immediate attention of the 
Congress. Forgeries and perjuries of shameless 
and flagrant character have been perpetrated, not 
only in the dense centres of population, but through- 
out the country; and it is established beyond doubt 
that very many so-called citizens of the United 
States have no title whatever to that right, and are 
asserting and enjoying the benefits of the same 
through the grossest frauds. It is never to be for- 
gotten that citizenship is, to quote the words re- 
cently used by the Supreme Court of the United 
States, an "inestimable heritage," whether it pro- 
ceeds from birth within the country or is obtained 
by naturalization ; and we poison the sources of our 
national character and strength at the fountain, if 
the privilege is claimed and exercised without right, 
and by means of fraud and corruption. The body 
politic can not be sound and healthy if many of its 
constituent members claim their standing through 
the prostitution of the high right and calling of 
citizenship. It should mean something to become 
a citizen of the United States; and in the proc- 



And State Papers 659 

ess no loophole whatever should be left open to 
fraud. 

The methods by which these frauds — now under 
full investigation with a view to meting out pun- 
ishment and providing adequate remedies — are per- 
petuated, include many variations of procedure by 
which false certificates of citizenship are forged in 
their entirety ; or genuine certificates fraudulently 
or collusively obtained in blank are filled in by the 
criminal conspirators ; or certificates are obtained on 
fraudulent statements as to the time of arrival and 
residence in this country ; or imposition and sub- 
stitution of another party for the real petitioner 
occur in court; or certificates are made the subject of 
barter and sale and transferred from the rightful 
holder to those not entitled to them ; or certificates 
are forged by erasure of the original names and 
the insertion of the names of other persons not en- 
titled to the same. 

It is not necessary for me to refer here at large 
to the causes leading to this state of affairs. The de- 
sire for naturalization is heartily to be commended 
where it springs from a sincere and permanent in- 
tention to become citizens, and a real appreciation of 
the privilege. But it is a source of untold evil and 
trouble where it is traceable to selfish and dishonest 
motives, such as the effort by artificial and im- 
proper means, in wholesale fashion to create voters 
who are ready-made tools of corrupt politicians, or 
the desire to evade certain labor laws creating dis- 
criminations against alien labor. All good citizens, 



660 Presidential Addresses 

whether naturalized or native born, are equally in- 
terested in protecting our citizenship against fraud 
in any form, and, on the other hand, in affording 
every facility for naturalization to those who in good 
faith desire to share alike our privileges and our 
responsibilities. 

The Federal grand jury lately in session in New 
York City dealt with this subject and made a pre- 
sentment which states the situation briefly and forci- 
bly and contains important suggestions for the con- 
sideration of the Congress. This presentment is 
included as an appendix to the report of the At- 
torney-General. 

In my last annual Message, in connection with the 
subject of the due regulation of combinations of 
capital which are or may become injurious to the 
public, I recommended a special appropriation for 
the better enforcement of the anti-trust law as it 
now stands, to be expended under the direction of 
the Attorney-General. Accordingly (by the legisla- 
tive, executive, and judicial appropriation act of 
February 25, 1903, 32 Stat., 854, 904), the Con- 
gress appropriated, for the purpose of enforcing the 
various Federal trust and interstate-commerce laws, 
the sum of five hundred thousand dollars, to be ex- 
pended under the direction of the Attorney-General 
in the employment of special counsel and agents in 
the Department of Justice to conduct proceedings 
and prosecutions under said laws in the courts of the 
United States. I now recommend, as a matter of 



And State Papers 66 1 

the utmost importance and urgency, the extension 
of the purposes of this appropriation, so that it may 
be available, under the direction of the Attorney- 
General, and until used, for the due enforcement of 
the laws of the United States in general and espe- 
cially of the civil and criminal laws relating to pub- 
lic lands and the laws relating to postal crimes and 
offences and the subject of naturalization. Recent 
investigations have shown a deplorable state of af- 
fairs in these three matters of vital concern. By 
various frauds and by forgeries and perjuries, thou- 
sands of acres of the public domain, embracing 
lands of different character and extending through 
various sections of the country, have been dishon- 
estly acquired. It is hardly necessary to urge the 
importance of recovering these dishonest acquisi- 
tions, stolen from the people, and of promptly and 
duly punishing the offenders. I speak in another 
part of this Message of the widespread crimes by 
which the sacred right of citizenship is falsely as- 
serted and that "inestimable heritage" perverted to 
base ends. By similar means — that is, through 
frauds, forgeries, and perjuries, and by shameless 
briberies — the laws relating to the proper conduct 
of the public service in general and to the due ad- 
ministration of the Post-Office Department have 
been notoriously violated, and many indictments 
have been found, and the consequent prosecutions 
are in course of hearing or on the eve thereof. For 
the reasons thus indicated, and so that the govern- 
ment may be prepared to enforce promptly and with 



662 Presidential Addresses 

the greatest effect the due penalties for such viola- 
tions of law, and to this end may be furnished with 
sufficient instrumentalities and competent legal as- 
sistance for the investigations and trials which will 
be necessary at many different points of the country, 
I urge upon the Congress the necessity of making the 
said appropriation available for immediate use for 
all such purposes, to be expended under the direction 
of the Attorney-General. 

Steps have been taken by the State Department 
looking to the making of bribery an extraditable 
offence with foreign powers. The need of more 
effective treaties covering this crime is manifest. 
The exposures and prosecutions of official corrup- 
tion in St. Louis, Mo., and other cities and States 
have resulted in a number of givers and takers of 
bribes becoming fugitives in foreign lands. Brib- 
ery has not been included in extradition treaties here- 
tofore, as the necessity for it has not arisen. While 
there may have been as much official corruption in 
former years, there has been more developed and 
brought to light in the immediate past than in the 
preceding century of our country's history. It 
should be the policy of the United States to leave 
no place on earth where a corrupt man fleeing from 
this country can rest in peace. There is no reason 
why bribery should not be included in all treaties 
as extraditable. The recent amended treaty with 
Mexico, whereby this crime was put in the list of 
extraditable offences, has established a salutary prec- 
edent in this regard. Under this treaty the State 



And State Papers 663 

Department has asked, and Mexico has granted, the 
extradition of one of the St. Louis bribe givers. 

There can be no crime more serious than bribery. 
Other offences violate one law while corruption 
strikes at the foundation of all law. Under our 
form of government all authority is vested in the 
people and by them delegated to those who repre- 
sent them in official capacity. There can be no of- 
fence heavier than that of him in whom such a 
sacred trust has been reposed, who sells it for his 
own gain and enrichment ; and no less heavy is the 
offence of the bribe giver. He is worse than the 
thief, for the thief robs the individual, while the 
corrupt official plunders an entire city or State. He 
is as wicked as the murderer, for the murderer may 
only take one life against the law, while the corrupt 
official and the man who corrupts the official alike 
aim at the assassination of the commonwealth itself. 
Government of the people, by the people, for the 
people will perish from the face of the earth if brib- 
ery is tolerated. The givers and takers of bribes 
stand on an evil pre-eminence of infamy. The ex- 
posure and punishment of public corruption is an 
honor to a nation, not a disgrace. The shame lies 
in toleration, not in correction. No city or State, 
still less the Nation, can be injured by the enforce- 
ment of law. As long as public plunderers when 
detected can find a haven of refuge in any foreign 
land and avoid punishment, just so long encourage- 
ment is given them to continue their practices. If 
we fail to do all that in us lies to stamp out corrup- 



664 Presidential Addresses 

tion we can not escape our share of responsibility 
for the guilt. The first requisite of successful self- 
government is unflinching enforcement of the law 
and the cutting out of corruption. 

For several years past the rapid development of 
Alaska and the establishment of growing American 
interests in regions theretofore unsurveyed and im- 
perfectly known brought into prominence the urgent 
necessity of a practical demarcation of the bounda- 
ries between the jurisdictions of the United States 
and Great Britain. Although the treaty of 1825 be- 
tween Great Britain and Russia, the provisions of 
which were copied in the treaty of 1867, whereby 
Russia conveyed Alaska to the United States, was 
positive as to the control, first by Russia and later 
by the United States, of a strip of territory along 
the continental mainland from the western shore of 
Portland Canal to Mount St. Elias, following and 
surrounding the indentations of the coast and in- 
cluding the islands to the westward, its description 
of the landward margin of the strip was indefinite, 
resting on the supposed existence of a continuous 
ridge or range of mountains skirting the coast, as 
figured in the charts of the early navigators. It had 
at no time been possible for either party in interest 
to lay down, under the authority of the treaty, a line 
so obviously exact according to its provisions as to 
command the assent of the other. For nearly three- 
fourths of a century the absence of tangible local 
interests demanding the exercise of positive jurisdic- 



And State Papers 665 

tion on either side of the border left the question 
dormant. In 1878, questions of revenue adminis- 
tration on the Stikine River led to the establishment 
of a provisional demarcation, crossing the channel 
between two high peaks on either side about twenty- 
four miles above the river mouth. In 1899, similar 
questions growing out of the extraordinary develop- 
ment of mining interests in the region about the 
head of Lynn Canal brought about a temporary 
modus vivendi, by which a convenient separation 
was made at the watershed divides of the White 
and Chilkoot passes and to the north of Klukwan, 
on the Klehini River. These partial and tentative 
adjustments could not, in the very nature of things, 
be satisfactory or lasting. A permanent disposition 
of the matter became imperative. 

After unavailing attempts to reach an understand- 
ing through a Joint High Commission, followed by 
prolonged negotiations, conducted in an amicable 
spirit, a convention between the United States and 
Great Britain was signed, January 24, 1903, pro- 
viding for an examination of the subject by a mixed 
tribunal of six members, three on a side, with a view 
to its final disposition. Ratifications were exchanged 
on March 3 last, whereupon the two governments 
appointed their respective members. Those on be- 
half of the United States were Elihu Root, Secretary 
of War; Henry Cabot Lodge, a Senator of the 
United States, and George Turner, an ex-Senator 
of the United States, while Great Britain named the 
Right Honorable Lord Alverstone, Lord Chief Jus- 

ia— Vol. XIV 



666 Presidential Addresses 

tice of England; Sir Louis Amable Jette, K.C.M.G., 
retired judge of the Supreme Court of Quebec, and 
A. B. Aylesworth, K.C., of Toronto. This Tribunal 
met in London on September 3, under the Presi- 
dency of Lord Alverstone. The proceedings were 
expeditious, and marked by a friendly and conscien- 
tious spirit. The respective cases, counter cases, 
and arguments presented the issues clearly and fully. 
On the 20th of October a majority of the Tribunal 
reached and signed an agreement on all the ques- 
tions submitted by the terms of the Convention. By 
this award the right of the United States to the 
control of a continuous strip or border of the main- 
land shore, skirting all the tide- water inlets and sin- 
uosities of the coast, is confirmed ; the entrance to 
Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt 
appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet 
and to the northwestward of Wales and Pearse Isl- 
ands ; a line is drawn from the head of Portland 
Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of north latitude ; and 
the interior border line of the strip is fixed by lines 
connecting certain mountain summits lying between 
Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias, and running 
along the crest of the divide separating the coast 
slope from the inland watershed at the only part of 
the frontier where the drainage ridge approaches the 
coast within the distance of ten marine leagues stip- 
ulated by the treaty as the extreme width of the 
strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its 
branches. 

While the line so traced follows the provisional 



And State Papers 667 

demarcation of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine 
River, and that of 1899 at the summits of the White 
and Chilkoot passes, it runs much further inland 
from the Klehini than the temporary line of the 
later modus v'wendi, and leaves the entire mining 
district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek 
within the jurisdiction of the United States. 

The result is satisfactory in every way. It is of 
great material advantage to our people in the Far 
Northwest. It has removed from the field of dis- 
cussion and possible danger a question liable to be- 
come more acutely accentuated with each passing 
year. Finally, it has furnished a signal proof of 
the fairness and good-will with which two friendly 
nations can approach and determine issues involving 
national sovereignty and by their nature incapable 
of submission to a third power for adjudication. 

The award is self-executing on the vital points. 
To make it effective as regards the others it only re- 
mains for the two governments to appoint, each on 
its own behalf, one or more scientific experts, who 
shall, with all convenient speed, proceed together to 
lay down the boundary line in accordance with the 
decision of the majority of the Tribunal. I recom- 
mend that the Congress make adequate provision 
for the appointment, compensation, and expenses of 
the members to serve on this joint boundary com- 
mission on the part of the United States. 

It will be remembered that during the second ses- 
sion of the last Congress Great Britain, Germany, 



668 Presidential Addresses 

and Italy formed an alliance for the purpose of 
blockading the ports of Venezuela and using such 
other means of pressure as would secure a settle- 
ment of claims due, as they alleged, to certain of 
their subjects. Their employment of force for the 
collection of these claims was terminated by an 
agreement brought about through the offices of the 
diplomatic representatives of the United States at 
Caracas and the Government at Washington, there- 
by ending a situation which was bound to cause in- 
creasing friction, and which jeoparded the peace of 
the continent. Under this agreement Venezuela 
agreed to set apart a certain percentage of the cus- 
toms receipts of two of her ports to be applied to 
the payment of whatever obligations might be ascer- 
tained by mixed commissions appointed for that pur- 
pose to be due from her, not only to the three powers 
already mentioned, whose proceedings against her 
had resulted in a state of war, but also to the United 
States, France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, 
Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not 
employed force for the collection of the claims al- 
leged to be due to certain of their citizens. 

A demand was then made by the so-called block- 
ading powers that the sums ascertained to be due 
to their citizens by such mixed commissions should 
be accorded payment in full before anything was 
paid upon the claims of any of the so-called peace 
powers. Venezuela, on the other hand, insisted 
that all her creditors should be paid upon a basis of 
exact equality. During the efforts to adjust this 



And State Papers 669 

dispute it was suggested by the powers in interest 
that it should be referred to me for decision, but I 
was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser course 
would be to submit the question to the Permanent 
Court of Arbitration at The Hague. It seemed to 
me to offer an admirable opportunity to advance the 
practice of the peaceful settlement of disputes be- 
tween nations and to secure for The Hague Tribunal 
a memorable increase of its practical importance. 
The nations interested in the controversy were so 
numerous, and in many instances so powerful, as to 
make it evident that beneficent results would follow 
from their appearance at the same time before the 
bar of that august tribunal of peace. 

Our hopes in that regard have been realized. 
Russia and Austria are represented in the persons of 
the learned and distinguished jurists who compose 
the Tribunal, while Great Britain, Germany, France, 
Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, and 
Norway, Mexico, the United States, and Venezuela 
are represented by their respective agents and coun- 
sel. Such an imposing concourse of nations present- 
ing their arguments to and invoking the decision of 
that high court of international justice and interna- 
tional peace can hardly fail to secure a like submis- 
sion of many future controversies. The nations now 
appearing there will find it far easier to appear there 
a second time, while no nation can imagine its just 
pride will be lessened by following the example now 
presented. This triumph of the principle of inter- 
national arbitration is a subject of warm congratu- 



670 Presidential Addresses 

lation and offers a happy augury for the peace of 
the world. 

There seems good ground for the belief that there 
has been a real growth among the civilized nations 
of a sentiment which will permit a gradual substitu- 
tion of other methods than the method of war in 
the settlement of disputes. It is not pretended that 
as yet we are near a position in which it will be pos- 
sible wholly to prevent war, or that a just regard 
for national interest and honor will in all cases per- 
mit of the settlement of international disputes by 
arbitration ; but by a mixture of prudence and firm- 
ness with wisdom we think it is possible to do away 
with much of the provocation and excuse for war, 
and at least in many cases to substitute some other 
and more rational method for the settlement of dis- 
putes. The Hague Court offers so good an example 
of what can be done in the direction of such settle- 
ment that it should be encouraged in every way. 

Further steps should be taken. In President Mc- 
Kinley's annual Message of December 5, 1898, he 
made the following recommendation : 

"The experiences of the last year bring forcibly 
home to us a sense of the burdens and the waste of 
war. We desire, in common with most civilized 
nations, to reduce to the lowest possible point the 
damage sustained in time of war by peaceable trade 
and commerce. It is true we may suffer in such 
cases less than other communities, but all nations 
are damaged more or less by the state of uneasiness 
and apprehension into which an outbreak of hostili- 



And State Papers 671 

ties throws the entire commercial world. It should 
be our object, therefore, to minimize, so far as prac- 
ticable, this inevitable loss and disturbance. This 
purpose can probably best be accomplished by an 
international agreement to regard all private prop- 
erty at sea as exempt from capture or destruction 
by the forces of belligerent powers. The United 
States Government has for many years advocated 
this humane and beneficent principle, and is now in 
a position to recommend it to other powers without 
the imputation of selfish motives. I therefore sug- 
gest for your consideration that the Executive be 
authorized to correspond with the governments of 
the principal maritime powers with a view of incor- 
porating into the permanent law of civilized nations 
the principle of the exemption of all private property 
at sea, not contraband of war, from capture or de- 
struction by belligerent powers." 

I cordially renew this recommendation. 

The Supreme Court, speaking on December n, 
1899, through Peckham, J., said: 

"It is, we think, historically accurate to say that 
this Government has always been, in its views, 
among the most advanced of the governments of the 
world in favor of mitigating, as to all non-combat- 
ants, the hardships and horrors of war. To accom- 
plish that object it has always advocated those rules 
which would in most cases do away with the right 
to capture the private property of an enemy on the 
high seas." 

I advocate this as a matter of humanity and 



672 Presidential Addresses 

morals. It is anachronistic when private property 
is respected on land that it should not be respected 
at sea. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that 
shipping represents, internationally speaking, a much 
more generalized species of private property than 
is the case with ordinary property on land — that is, 
property found at sea is much less apt than is the 
case with property found on land really to belong 
to any one nation. Under the modern system of 
corporate ownership the flag of a vessel often differs 
from the flag which would mark the nationality of 
the real ownership and money control of the vessel ; 
and the cargo may belong to individuals of yet a 
different nationality. Much American capital is now 
invested in foreign ships ; and among foreign na- 
tions it often happens that the capital of one is large- 
ly invested in the shipping of another. Further- 
more, as a practical matter, it may be mentioned that 
while commerce destroying may cause serious loss 
and great annoyance, it can never be more than a 
subsidiary factor in bringing to terms a resolute foe. 
This is now well recognized by all of our naval ex- 
perts. The fighting ship, not the commerce de- 
stroyer, is the vessel whose feats add renown to a 
nation's history, and establish her place among the 
great powers of the world. 

Last year the Interparliamentary Union for In- 
ternational Arbitration met at Vienna, six hundred 
members of the different legislatures of civilized 
countries attending. It was provided that the next 
meeting should be in 1904 at St. Louis, subject to 



And State Papers 673 

our Congress extending an invitation. Like The 
Hague Tribunal, this Interparliamentary Union is 
one of the forces tending toward peace among the 
nations of the earth, and it is entitled to our support. 
I trust the invitation can be extended. 

Early in July, having received intelligence, which 
happily turned out to be erroneous, of the assassina- 
tion of our vice-consul at Beirut, I despatched a 
small squadron to that port for such service as 
might be found necessary on arrival. Although the 
attempt on the life of our vice-consul had not been 
successful, yet the outrage was symptomatic of a 
state of excitement and disorder which demanded 
immediate attention. The arrival of the vessels 
had the happiest result. A feeling of security at 
once took the place of the former alarm and dis- 
quiet; our officers were cordially welcomed by the 
consular body and the leading merchants, and or- 
dinary business resumed its activity. The govern- 
ment of the Sultan gave a considerate hearing to 
the representations of our minister ; the official who 
was regarded as responsible for the disturbed condi- 
tion of affairs was removed. Our relations with the 
Turkish Government remain friendly; our claims 
founded on inequitable treatment of some of our 
schools and missions appear to be in process of 
amicable adjustment. 

The signing of a new commercial treaty with 
China, which took place at Shanghai on the 8th 



674 Presidential Addresses 

of October, is a cause for satisfaction. This act, 
the result of long discussion and negotiation, places 
our commercial relations with the great Oriental 
Empire on a more satisfactory footing than they 
have ever heretofore enjoyed. It provides not only 
for the ordinary rights and privileges of diplomatic 
and consular officers, but also for an important ex- 
tension of our commerce by increased facility of 
access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade 
by the removal of some of the obstacles which have 
embarrassed it in the past. The Chinese Govern- 
ment engages, on fair and equitable conditions, 
which will probably be accepted by the principal 
commercial nations, to abandon the levy of "liken" 
and other transit dues throughout the Empire, and 
to introduce other desirable administrative reforms. 
Larger facilities are to be given to our citizens 
who desire to carry on mining enterprises in China. 
We have secured for our missionaries a valuable 
privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and 
lease in perpetuity such property as their religious 
societies may need in all parts of the Empire. And, 
what was an indispensable condition for the ad- 
vance and development of our commerce in Man- 
churia, China, by treaty with us, has opened to 
foreign commerce the cities of Mukden, the capital 
of the province of Manchuria, and Antung, an im- 
portant port on the Yalu River, on the road to Korea. 
The full measure of development which our com- 
merce may rightfully expect can hardly be looked 
for until the settlement of the present abnormal 



And State Papers 675 

state of things in the Empire; but the foundation 
for such development has at last been laid. 

I call your attention to the reduced cost in main- 
taining the consular service for the fiscal year end- 
ing June 30, 1903, as shown in the annual report 
of the Auditor for the State and other Departments, 
as compared with the year previous. For the year 
under consideration the excess of expenditures over 
receipts on account of the consular service amounted 
to $26,125.12, as against $96,972.50 for the year 
ending June 30, 1902, and $147,040.16 for the 
year ending June 30, 1901. This is the best show- 
ing in this respect for the consular service for the 
past fourteen years, and the reduction in the cost 
of the service to the Government has been made in 
spite of the fact that the expenditures for the year 
in question were more than $20,000 greater than 
for the previous year. 

The rural free-delivery service has been steadily 
extended. The attention of the Congress is asked 
to the question of the compensation of the letter car- 
riers and clerks engaged in the postal service, espe- 
cially on the new rural free-delivery routes. More 
routes have been installed since the first of July last 
than in any like period in the Department's history. 
While a due regard to economy must be kept in 
mind in the establishment of new routes, yet the 
extension of the rural free-delivery system must 
be continued, for reasons of sound public policy. No 



676 Presidential Addresses 

governmental movement of recent years has resulted 
in greater immediate benefit to the people of the 
country districts. Rural free-delivery, taken in con- 
nection with the telephone, the bicycle, and the 
trolley, accomplishes much toward lessening the iso- 
lation of farm life and making it brighter and more 
attractive. In the immediate past the lack of just 
such facilities as these has driven many of the more 
active and restless young men and women from the 
farms to the cities ; for they rebelled at loneliness 
and lack of mental companionship. It is unhealthy 
and undesirable for the cities to grow at the expense 
of the country ; and rural free-delivery is not only a 
good thing in itself, but is good because it is one 
of the causes which check this unwholesome ten- 
dency toward the urban concentration of our pop- 
ulation at the expense of the country districts. It 
is for the same reason that we sympathize with and 
approve of the policy of building good roads. The 
movement for good roads is one fraught with the 
greatest benefit to the country districts. 

I trust that the Congress will continue to favor 
in all proper ways the Louisiana Purchase Exposi- 
tion. This Exposition commemorates the Louisiana 
Purchase, which was the first great step in the ex- 
pansion which made us a continental nation. The 
expedition of Lewis and Clark across the continent 
followed thereon, and marked the beginning of the 
process of exploration and colonization which thrust 
our national boundaries to the Pacific. The ac- 



And State Papers 677 

quisition of the Oregon country, including- the pres- 
ent States of Oregon and Washington, was a fact 
of immense importance in our history ; first giving 
us our place on the Pacific seaboard, and making 
ready the way for our ascendency in the commerce 
of the greatest of the oceans. The centennial of our 
establishment upon the western coast by the expedi- 
tion of Lewis and Clark is to be celebrated at Port- 
land, Oregon, by an exposition in the summer of 
1905, and this event should receive recognition and 
support from the National Government. 

I call your special attention to the Territory of 
Alaska. The country is developing rapidly, and it 
has an assured future. The mineral wealth is great 
and has as yet hardly been tapped. The fisheries, 
if wisely handled and kept under national control, 
will be a business as permanent as any other, and of 
the utmost importance to the people. The forests 
if properly guarded will form another great source 
of wealth. Portions of Alaska are fitted for farming 
and stock raising, although the methods must be 
adapted to the peculiar conditions of the country. 
Alaska is situated in the far north ; but so are Nor- 
way and Sweden and Finland : and Alaska can 
prosper and play its part in the New World just as 
those nations have prospered and played their parts 
in the Old World. Proper land laws should be 
enacted ; and the survey of the public lands imme- 
diately begun. Coal-land laws should be provided 
whereby the coal-land entryman may make his lo- 



678 Presidential Addresses 

cation and secure patent under methods kindred to 
those now prescribed for homestead and mineral 
entrymen. Salmon hatcheries, exclusively under 
government control, should be established. The 
cable should be extended from Sitka westward. 
Wagon roads and trails should be built, and the 
building of railroads promoted in all legitimate 
ways. Light-houses should be built along the coast. 
Attention should be paid to the needs of the Alaska 
Indians; provision should be made for an officer, 
with deputies, to study their needs, relieve their 
immediate wants, and help them adapt themselves 
to the new conditions. 

The commission appointed to investigate, during 
the season of 1903, the condition and needs of the 
Alaskan salmon fisheries, has finished its work in the 
field, and is preparing a detailed report thereon. A 
preliminary report reciting the measures immediate- 
ly required for the protection and preservation of the 
salmon industry has already been submitted to the 
Secretary of Commerce and Labor for his attention 
and for the needed action. 

I recommend that an appropriation be made for 
building light-houses in Hawaii, and taking pos- 
session of those already built. The Territory should 
be reimbursed for whatever amounts it has already 
expended for light-houses. The Governor should be 
empowered to suspend or remove any official ap- 
pointed by him, without submitting the matter to 
the legislature. 



And State Papers 679 

Of our insular possessions, the Philippines and 
Porto Rico, it is gratifying to say that their steady 
progress has been such as to make it unnecessary to" 
spend much time in discussing them. Yet the Con- 
gress should ever keep in mind that a peculiar ob- 
ligation rests upon us to further in every way the 
welfare of these communities. The Philippines 
should be knit closer to us by tariff arrangements. 
It would, of course, be impossible suddenly to raise 
the people of the islands to the high pitch of indus- 
trial prosperity and of governmental efficiency to 
which they will in the end by degrees attain ; and the 
caution and moderation shown in developing them 
have been among the main reasons why this develop- 
ment has hitherto gone on so smoothly. 

Scrupulous care has been taken in the choice 
of governmental agents, and the entire elimina- 
tion of partisan politics from the public service. 
The condition of the islanders is in material things 
far better than ever before, while their govern- 
mental, intellectual, and moral advance has kept 
pace with their material advance. No one people 
ever benefited another people more than we have 
benefited the Filipinos by taking possession of the 
islands. 

The cash receipts of the General Land Office for 
the last fiscal year were $11,024,743.65, an increase 
of $4,762,816.47 over the preceding year. Of this 
sum, approximately, $8,461,493 will go to the 
credit of the fund for the reclamation of arid land, 



680 Presidential Addresses 

making the total of this fund, up to the 30th of 
June, 1903, approximately, $16,191,836. 

A gratifying- disposition has been evinced by those 
having unlawful inclosures of public land to remove 
their fences. Nearly two million acres so inclosed 
have been thrown open on demand. In but com- 
paratively few cases has it been necessary to go into 
court to accomplish this purpose. This work will 
be vigorously prosecuted until all unlawful in- 
closures have been removed. 

Experience has shown that in the Western States 
themselves, as well as in the rest of the country, there 
is widespread conviction that certain of the public- 
land laws and the resulting administrative practice 
no longer meet the present needs. The character 
and uses of the remaining public lands differ widely 
from those of the public lands which Congress had 
especially in view when these laws were passed. The 
rapidly increasing rate of disposal of the public lands 
is not followed by a corresponding increase in home 
building. There is a tendency to mass in large hold- 
ings public lands, especially timber and grazing lands, 
and thereby to retard settlement. I renew and em- 
phasize my recommendation of last year that so far 
as they are available for agriculture in its broadest 
sense, and to whatever extent they may be reclaimed 
under the national irrigation law, the remaining 
public lands should be held rigidly for the home 
builder. The attention of the Congress is especially 
directed to the timber and stone law, the desert- 
land law, and the commutation clause of the home- 



And State Papers 68 1 

stead law, which in their operation have in many- 
respects conflicted with wise public-land policy. The 
discussions in the Congress and elsewhere have made 
it evident that there is a wide divergence of opinions 
between those holding opposite views on these sub- 
jects; and that the opposing sides have strong and 
convinced representatives of weight both within and 
without the Congress ; the differences being not only 
as to matters of opinion but as to matters of fact. 
In order that definite information may be available 
for the use of the Congress, I have appointed a 
commission composed of W. A. Richards, Com- 
missioner of the General Land Office; Gifford Pin- 
chot, Chief of the Bureau of Forestry of the De- 
partment of Agriculture, and F. H. Newell, Chief 
Hydrographer of the Geological Survey, to report 
at the earliest practicable moment upon the condi- 
tion, operation, and effect of the present land laws 
and on the use, condition, disposal, and settlement 
of the public lands. The commission will report 
especially what changes in organization, laws, reg- 
ulations, and practice affecting the public lands are 
needed to effect the largest practicable disposition 
of the public lands to actual settlers who will build 
permanent homes upon them, and to secure in perma- 
nence the fullest and most effective use of the re- 
sources of the public lands; and it will make such 
other reports and recommendations as its study of 
these questions may suggest. The commission is to 
report immediately upon those points concerning 
which its judgment is clear; on any point upon 



682 Presidential Addresses 

which it has doubt it will take the time necessary to 
make investigation and reach a final judgment. 

The work of reclamation of the arid lands of the 
West is progressing steadily and satisfactorily under 
the terms of the law setting aside the proceeds from 
the disposal of public lands. The corps of engi- 
neers known as the Reclamation Service, which is 
conducting the surveys and examinations, has been 
thoroughly organized, especial pains being taken to 
secure under the civil-service rules a body of skilled, 
experienced, and efficient men. Surveys and exam- 
inations are progressing throughout the arid States 
and Territories, plans for reclaiming works being 
prepared and passed upon by boards of engineers be- 
fore approval by the Secretary of the Interior. In 
Arizona and Nevada, in localities where such work is 
pre-eminently needed, construction has already been 
begun. In other parts of the arid West various pro- 
jects are well advanced toward the drawing up of 
contracts, these being delayed in part by necessities 
of reaching agreements or understanding as regards 
rights of way or acquisition of real estate. Most 
of the works contemplated for construction are of 
national importance, involving interstate questions 
or the securing of stable, self-supporting communi- 
ties in the midst of vast tracts of vacant land. The 
Nation as a whole is of course the gainer by the 
creation of these homes, adding as they do to the 
wealth and stability of the country, and furnishing a 
home market for the products of the East and South. 
The reclamation law, while perhaps not ideal, ap- 



And State Papers 683 

pears at present to answer the larger needs for 
which it is designed. Further legislation is not 
recommended until the necessities of change are 
more apparent. 

The study of the opportunities of reclamation of 
the vast extent of arid land shows that whether this 
reclamation is done by individuals, corporations, or 
the State, the sources of water supply must be effec- 
tively protected and the reservoirs guarded by the 
preservation of the forests at the headwaters of the 
streams. The engineers making the preliminary ex- 
aminations continually emphasize this need and urge 
that the remaining public lands at the headwaters of 
the important streams of the West be reserved to in- 
sure permanency of water supply for irrigation. 
Much progress in forestry has been made during the 
past year. The necessity for perpetuating our forest 
resources, whether in public or private hands, is rec- 
ognized now as never before. The demand for forest 
reserves has become insistent in the West, because the 
West must use the water, wood, and summer range 
which only such reserves can supply. Progressive 
lumbermen are striving, through forestry, to give 
their business permanence. Other great business in- 
terests are awakening to the need of forest preserva- 
tion as a business matter. The Government's forest 
work should receive from the Congress hearty sup- 
port, and especially support adequate for the pro- 
tection of the forest reserves against fire. The for- 
est-reserve policy of the Government has passed 
beyond the experimental stage and has reached a 



684 Presidential Addresses 

condition where scientific methods are essential to its 
successful prosecution. The administration features 
of forest reserves are at present unsatisfactory, being 
divided between three Bureaus of two Departments. 
It is therefore recommended that all matters per- 
taining to forest reserves, except those involving 
or pertaining to land titles, be consolidated in 
the Bureau of Forestry of the Department of 
Agriculture. 

The cotton-growing States have recently been in- 
vaded by a weevil that has done much damage and 
threatens the entire cotton industry. I suggest to 
the Congress the prompt enactment of such rem- 
edial legislation as its judgment may approve. 

In granting patents to foreigners the proper course 
for this country to follow is to give the same advan- 
tages to foreigners here that the countries in which 
these foreigners dwell extend in return to our citi- 
zens; that is, to extend the benefits of our patent 
laws on inventions and the like where in return the 
articles would be patentable in the foreign countries 
concerned — where an American could get a corre- 
sponding patent in such countries. 

The Indian agents should not be dependent for 
their appointment or tenure of office upon considera- 
tions of partisan politics ; the practice of appointing, 
when possible, ex-army officers or bonded superin- 
tendents to the vacancies that occur is working well. 



And State Papers 685 

Attention is invited to the widespread illiteracy due 
to lack of public schools in the Indian Territory. 
Prompt heed should be paid to the need of educa- 
tion for the children in this Territory. 

In my last annual Message the attention of the 
Congress was called to the necessity of enlarging the 
safety-appliance law, and it is gratifying to note that 
this law was amended in important respects. With 
the increasing railway mileage of the country, the 
greater number of men employed, and the use of 
larger and heavier equipment, the urgency for re- 
newed effort to prevent the loss of life and limb 
upon the railroads of the country, particularly to 
employees, is apparent. For the inspection of water 
craft and the Life-Saving Service upon the water the 
Congress has built up an elaborate body of protec- 
tive legislation and a thorough method of inspection 
and is annually spending large sums of money. It is 
encouraging to observe that the Congress is alive to 
the interests of those who are employed upon our 
wonderful arteries of commerce — the railroads — 
who so safely transport millions of passengers and 
billions of tons of freight. The Federal inspection 
of safety appliances, for which the Congress is now 
making appropriations, is a service analogous to 
that which the Government has upheld for genera- 
tions in regard to vessels, and it is believed will prove 
of great practical benefit, both to railroad employees 
and the traveling public. As the greater part of 
commerce is interstate and exclusively under the 



686 Presidential Addresses 

control of the Congress the needed safety and uni- 
formity must be secured by national legislation. 

No other class of our citizens deserves so well of 
the Nation as those to whom the Nation owes its 
very being, the veterans of the Civil War. Special 
attention is asked to the excellent work of the Pen- 
sion Bureau in expediting and disposing of pension 
claims. During the fiscal year ending July I, 1903, 
the Bureau settled 251,982 claims, an average of 825 
claims for each working day of the year. The num- 
ber of settlements since July 1, 1903, has been in 
excess of last year's average, approaching 1,000 
claims for each working day, and it is believed that 
the work of the Bureau will be current at the close 
of the present fiscal year. 

During the year ended June 30 last 25,566 persons 
were appointed through competitive examinations 
under the civil-service rules. This was 12,672 more 
than during the preceding year, and 40 per cent of 
those who passed the examinations. This abnormal 
growth was largely occasioned by the extension of 
classification to the rural free-delivery service and 
the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural car- 
riers. 

A revision of the civil-service rules took effect 
on April 15 last,- which has greatly improved their 
operation. The completion of the reform of the 
civil service is recognized by good citizens every- 
where as a matter of the highest public importance, 



And State Papers 687 

and the success of the merit system largely depends 
upon the effectiveness of the rules and the machinery 
provided for their enforcement. A very gratifying 
spirit of friendly co-operation exists in all the De- 
partments of the Government in the enforcement and 
uniform observance of both the letter and spirit of 
the civil-service act. Executive orders of July 3, 
1902, March 26, 1903, and July 8, 1903, require 
that appointments of all unclassified laborers, both 
in the Departments at Washington and in the field 
service, shall be made with the assistance of the 
United States Civil Service Commission, under a 
system of registration to test the relative fitness of 
applicants for appointment or employment. This 
system is competitive, and is open to all citizens of 
the United States qualified in respect to age, physi- 
cal ability, moral character, industry, and adapta- 
bility for manual labor; except that in case of vet- 
erans of the Civil War the element of age is omitted. 
This system of appointment is distinct from the clas- 
sified service and does not classify positions of mere 
laborer under the civil-service act and rules. Regu- 
lations in aid thereof have been put in operation in 
several of the Departments and are being gradually 
extended in other parts of the service. The results 
have been very satisfactory, as extravagance has 
been checked by decreasing the number of unneces- 
sary positions and by increasing the efficiency of the 
employees remaining. 

The Congress, as the result of a thorough inves- 



688 Presidential Addresses 

tigation of the charities and reformatory institutions 
in the District of Columbia, by a joint select com- 
mittee of the two Houses which made its report in 
March, 1898, created in the act approved June 6, 
1900, a board of charities for the District of Co- 
lumbia, to consist of five residents of the District, 
appointed by the President of the United States, 
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
each for a term of three years, to serve without com- 
pensation. President McKinley appointed five men 
who had been active and prominent in the public 
charities of Washington, all of whom upon taking 
office July 1, 1900, resigned from the different chari- 
ties with which they had been connected. The mem- 
bers of the board have been reappointed in successive 
years. The board serves under the Commissioners 
of the District of Columbia. The board gave its first 
year to a careful and impartial study of the special 
problems before it, and has continued that study 
every year in the light of the best practice in public 
charities elsewhere. Its recommendations in its an- 
nual reports to the Congress through the Commis- 
sions of the District of Columbia "for the economical 
and efficient administration of the charities and re- 
formatories of the District of Columbia," as re- 
quired by the act creating it, have been based upon 
the principles commended by the joint select com- 
mittee of the Congress in its report of March, 1898, 
and approved by the best administrators of public 
charities, and make for the desired systematization 
and improvement of the affairs under its supervision. 



And State Papers 689 

They are worthy of favorable consideration by the 
Congress. 

The effect of the laws providing a General Staff 
for the army and for the more effective use of the 
National Guard has been excellent. Great improve- 
ment has been made in the efficiency of our army 
in recent years. Such schools as those erected at 
Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley and the institu- 
tion of fall manoeuvre work accomplish satisfactory 
results. The good effect of these manoeuvres upon 
the National Guard is marked, and ample appro- 
priation should be made to enable the guardsmen 
of the several States to share in the benefit. The 
Government should as soon as possible secure suit- 
able permanent camp sites for military manoeuvres 
in the various sections of the country. The service 
thereby rendered not only to the Regular Army, 
but to the National Guard of the several States, 
will be so great as to repay many times over the 
relatively small expense. We should not rest sat- 
isfied with what has been done, however. The 
only people who are contented with a system of pro- 
motion by mere seniority are those who are con- 
tented with the triumph of mediocrity over excel- 
lence. On the other hand a system which encour- 
aged the exercise of social or political favoritism in 
promotions would be even worse. But it would sure- 
ly be easy to devise a method of promotion from 
grade to grade in which the opinion of the higher 
officers of the service upon the candidates should be 

13—Voi VTV 



690 Presidential Addresses 

decisive upon the standing- and promotion of the lat- 
ter. Just such a system now obtains at West Point. 
The quality of each year's work determines the 
standing of that year's class, the man being dropped 
or graduated into the next class in the relative po- 
sition which his military superiors decide to be 
warranted by his merit. In other words, ability, 
energy, fidelity, and all other similar qualities de- 
termine the rank of a man year after year in West 
Point, and his standing in the army when he grad- 
uates from West Point; but from that time on, all 
effort to find which man is best or worst, and 
reward or punish him accordingly, is abandoned; 
no brilliancy, no amount of hard work, no eagerness 
in the performance of duty, can advance him, and 
no slackness or indifference that falls short of a 
court-martial offence can retard him. Until this 
system is changed we can not hope that our officers 
will be of as high grade as we have a right to expect, 
considering the material upon which we draw. 
Moreover, when a man renders such service as 
Captain Pershing rendered last spring in the Moro 
campaign, it ought to be possible to reward him 
without at once jumping him to the grade of brig- 
adier-general. 

Shortly after the enunciation of that famous 
principle of American foreign policy now known 
as the "Monroe Doctrine," President Monroe, in a 
special Message to Congress on January 30, 1824, 
spoke as follows : "The navy is the arm from which 



And State Papers 69 t 

our Government will always derive most aid in 
support of our . . . rights. Every power en- 
gaged in war will know the strength of our naval 
power, the number of our ships of each class, their 
condition, and the promptitude with which we may 
bring them into service, and will pay due considera- 
tion to that argument." 

I heartily congratulate the Congress upon the 
steady progress in building up the American Navy. 
We can not afford a let-up in this great work. To 
stand still means to go back. There should be no 
cessation in adding to the effective units of the 
fighting strength of the fleet. Meanwhile the Navy 
Department and the officers of the navy are doing 
well their part by providing constant service at sea 
under conditions akin to those of actual warfare. 
Our officers and enlisted men are learning to handle 
the battleships, cruisers, and torpedo boats with 
high efficiency in fleet and squadron formations, 
and the standard of marksmanship is being steadily 
raised. The best work ashore is indispensable, but 
the highest duty of a naval officer is to exercise 
command at sea. 

The establishment of a naval base in the Philip- 
pines ought not to be longer postponed. Such a 
base is desirable in time of peace; in time of war 
it would be indispensable, and its lack would be 
ruinous. Without it our fleet would be helpless. 
Our naval experts are agreed that Subig Bay is the 
proper place for the purpose. The national inter- 
ests require that the work of fortification and de- 



692 Presidential Addresses 

velopment of a naval station at Subig Bay be begun 
at an early date; for under the best conditions it 
is a work which will consume much time. 

It is eminently desirable, however, that there 
should be provided a naval general staff on lines 
similar to those of the General Staff lately created 
for the army. Within the Navy Department itself 
the needs of the service have brought about a sys- 
tem under which the duties of a general staff are 
partially performed ; for the Bureau of Navigation 
has under its direction the War College, the Office 
of Naval Intelligence, and the Board of Inspection, 
and has been in close touch with the General Board 
of the navy. But though under the excellent offi- 
cers at their head these boards and bureaus do 
good work, they have not the authority of a general 
staff, and have not sufficient scope to ensure a proper 
readiness for emergencies. We need the establish- 
ment by law of a body of trained officers, who 
shall exercise a systematic control of the military 
affairs of the navy, and be authorized advisers of 
the Secretary concerning it. 

By the act of June 28, 1902, the Congress au- 
thorized the President to enter into treaty with 
Colombia for the building of the canal across the 
Isthmus of Panama; it being provided that in the 
event of failure to secure such treaty after the lapse 
of a reasonable time, recourse should be had to 
building a canal through Nicaragua. It has not 
been necessary to consider this alternative, as I am 



And State Papers 693 

enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty providing 
for the building of the canal across the Isthmus 
of Panama. This was the route which commended 
itself to the deliberate judgment of the Congress, 
and we can now acquire by treaty the right to con- 
struct the canal over this route. The question now, 
therefore, is not by which route the Isthmian Canal 
shall be built, for that question has been definitely 
and irrevocably decided. The question is simply 
whether or not we shall have an Isthmian Canal. 

When the Congress directed that we should take 
the Panama route under treaty with Colombia, the 
essence of the condition, of course, referred not to 
the government which controlled that route, but 
to the route itself; to the territory across which 
the route lay, not to the name which for the mo- 
ment the territory bore on the map. The purpose 
of the law was to authorize the President to make 
a treaty with the power in actual control of the 
Isthmus of Panama. This purpose has been ful- 
filled. 

In the year 1846 this Government entered into a 
treaty with New Granada, the predecessor upon the 
Isthmus of the Republic of Colombia and of the 
present Republic of Panama, by which treaty it 
was provided that the Government and citizens of 
the United States should always have free and open 
right of way or transit across the Isthmus of Pan- 
ama by any modes of communication that might 
be constructed, while in return our Government 
guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the above-men- 



694 Presidential Addresses 

tioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit 
from the one to the other sea might not be inter- 
rupted or embarrassed. The treaty vested in the 
United States a substantial property right carved 
out of the rights of sovereignty and property which 
New Granada then had and possessed over the said 
territory. The name of New Granada has passed 
away and its territory has been divided. Its suc- 
cessor, the Government of Colombia, has ceased to 
own any property in the Isthmus. A new republic, 
that of Panama, which was at one time a sovereign 
state, and at another time a mere department of the 
successive confederations known as New Granada 
and Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights 
which first one and then the other formerly exer- 
cised over the Isthmus. But as long as the Isthmus 
endures, the mere geographical fact of its existence, 
and the peculiar interest therein which is required 
by our position, perpetuate the solemn contract 
which binds the holders of the territory to respect 
our right to freedom of transit across it, and binds 
us in return to safeguard for the Isthmus and the 
world the exercise of that inestimable privilege. 
The true interpretation of the obligations upon 
which the United States entered in this treaty of 
1846 has been given repeatedly in the utterances 
of Presidents and Secretaries of State. Secretary 
Cass in 1858 officially stated the position of this 
Government as follows : 

"The progress of events has rendered the inter- 
oceanic route across the narrow portion of Central 



And State Papers 695 

America vastly important to the commercial world, 
and especially to the United States, whose posses- 
sions extend along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, 
and demand the speediest and easiest modes of com- 
munication. While the rights of sovereignty of 
the states occupying this region should always be 
respected, we shall expect that these rights be ex- 
ercised in a spirit befitting the occasion and the wants 
and circumstances that have arisen. Sovereignty 
has its duties as well as its rights, and none of 
these local governments, even if administered with 
more regard to the just demands of other nations 
than they have been, would be permitted, in a spirit 
of Eastern isolation, to close the gates of inter- 
course on the great highways of the world, and 
justify the act by the pretension that these avenues 
of trade and travel belong to them and that they 
choose to shut them, or, what is almost equivalent, 
to encumber them with such unjust relations as 
would prevent their general use." 

Seven years later, in 1865, Mr. Seward in differ- 
ent communications took the following position : 

"The United States have taken and will take no 
interest in any question of internal revolution in the 
State of Panama, or any State of the United States 
of Colombia, but will maintain a perfect neutrality 
in connection with such domestic altercations. The 
United States will, nevertheless, hold themselves 
ready to protect the transit trade across the Isthmus 
against invasion of either domestic or foreign dis- 
turbers of the peace of the State of Panama. . . . 



696 Presidential Addresses 

Neither the text nor the spirit of the stipulation in 
that article by which the United States engages to 
preserve the neutrality of the Isthmus of Panama, 
imposes an obligation on this Government to comply 
with the requisition [of the President of the United 
States of Colombia for a force to protect the Isth- 
mus of Panama from a body of insurgents of that 
country]. The purpose of the stipulation was to 
guarantee the Isthmus against seizure or invasion 
by a foreign power only." 

Attorney-General Speed, under date of November 
7, 1865, advised Secretary Seward as follows: 

"From this treaty it can not be supposed that 
New Granada invited the United States to become 
a party to the intestine troubles of that government, 
nor did the United States become bound to take 
sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The 
United States did guarantee New Granada in the 
sovereignty and property over the territory. This 
was as against other and foreign governments." 

For four hundred years, ever since shortly after 
the discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across 
the Isthmus has been planned. For two score years 
it has been worked at. When made it is to last for 
the ages. It is to alter the geography of a conti- 
nent and the trade routes of the world. We have 
shown by every treaty we have negotiated or at- 
tempted to negotiate with the peoples in control of 
the Isthmus and with foreign nations in reference 
thereto our consistent good faith in observing our 



And State Papers 697 

obligations; on the one hand to the peoples of the 
Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world 
whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and 
guaranteeing by our action. We have done our duty 
to others in letter and in spirit, and we have shown 
the utmost forbearance in exacting our own rights. 
Last spring, under the act above referred to, a 
treaty concluded between the representatives of the 
Republic of Colombia and of our Government was 
ratified by the Senate. This treaty was entered into 
at the urgent solicitation of the people of Colombia 
and after a body of experts appointed by our Gov- 
ernment especially to go into the matter of the routes 
across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in 
favor of the Panama route. In drawing up this 
treaty every concession was made to the people and 
to the Government of Colombia. We were more 
than just in dealing with them. Our generosity was 
such as to make it a serious question whether we had 
not gone too far in their interest at the expense of 
our own ; for in our scrupulous desire to pay all 
possible heed, not merely to the real but even to the 
fancied rights of our weaker neighbor, who already 
owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we 
yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing 
up the treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Co- 
lombia not merely repudiated the treaty, but repu- 
diated it in such manner as to make it evident by 
the time the Colombian Congress adjourned that not 
the scantiest hope remained of ever getting a satis- 
factory treaty from them. The Government of Co- 



698 Presidential Addresses 

lombia made the treaty, and yet when the Colom- 
bian Congress was called to ratify it the vote against 
ratification was unanimous. It does not appear that 
the government made any real effort to secure rati- 
fication. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the Con- 
gress a revolution broke out in Panama. The people 
of Panama had long been discontented with the Re- 
public of Colombia, and they had been kept quiet 
only by the prospect of the conclusion of the treaty, 
which was to them a matter of vital concern. When 
it became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost, 
the people of Panama rose literally as one man. Not 
a shot was fired by a single man on the Isthmus in 
the interest of the Colombian Government. Not a 
life was lost in the accomplishment of the revolution. 
The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who 
had long been unpaid, made common cause with the 
people of Panama, and with astonishing unanimity 
the new republic was started. The duty of the 
United States in the premises was clear. In strict 
accordance with the principles laid down by Secre- 
taries Cass and Seward in the official documents 
above quoted, the United States gave notice that it 
would permit the landing of no expeditionary force, 
the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruc- 
tion along the line of the railroad and of the pro- 
posed canal, and an interruption of transit as an in- 
evitable consequence. The de facto Government of 
Panama was recognized in the following telegram 
to Mr. Ehrman : 



And State Papers 699 

"The people of Panama have, by apparently unani- 
mous movement, dissolved their political connection 
with the Republic of Colombia and resumed their 
independence. When you are satisfied that a de 
facto government, republican in form and without 
substantial opposition from its own people, has been 
established in the State of Panama, you will enter 
into relations with it as the responsible government 
of the territory and look to it for all due action to 
protect the persons and property of citizens of the 
United States and to keep open the isthmian transit, 
in accordance with the obligations of existing trea- 
ties governing the relations of the United States to 
that territory." 

The Government of Colombia was notified of our 
action by the following telegram to Mr. Beaupre : 

"The people of Panama having, by an apparently 
unanimous movement, dissolved their political con- 
nection with the Republic of Colombia and resumed 
their independence, and having adopted a govern- 
ment of their own, republican in form, with which 
the Government of the United States of America has 
entered into relations, the President of the United 
States, in accordance with the ties of friendship 
which have so long and so happily existed between 
the respective nations, most earnestly commends to 
the Governments of Colombia and of Panama the 
peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions at 
issue between them. He holds that he is bound not 
merely by treaty obligations, but by the interests of 



700 Presidential Addresses 

civilization, to see that the peaceful traffic of the 
world across the Isthmus of Panama shall not longer 
be disturbed by a constant succession of unnecessary 
and wasteful wars." 

When these events happened, fifty-seven years had 
elapsed since the United States had entered into its 
treaty with New Granada. During that time the 
Governments of New Granada and of its successor, 
Colombia, have been in a constant state of flux. The 
following is a partial list of the disturbances on the 
Isthmus of Panama during the period in question, as 
reported to us by our consuls. It is not possible to 
give a complete list, and some of the reports that 
speak of "revolutions" must mean unsuccessful revo- 
lutions. 

May 22, 1850. — Outbreak; two Americans killed. 
War vessel demanded to quell outbreak. 

October, 1850. — Revolutionary plot to bring 
about independence of the Isthmus. 

July 22, 1 85 1. — Revolution in four Southern 
provinces. 

November 14, 1851. — Outbreak at Chagres. Man- 
of-war requested for Chagres. 

June 27, 1853. — Insurrection at Bogota, and con- 
sequent disturbance on Isthmus. War vessel de- 
manded. 

May 23, 1854. — Political disturbances; war ves- 
sel requested. 

June 28, 1854. — Attempted revolution. 

October 24, 1854. — Independence of Isthmus de- 
manded by provincial legislature. 



And State Papers 701 

April, 1856. — Riot, and massacre of Americans. 

May 4, 1856.— Riot. 

May 18, 1856.— Riot. 

June 3, 1856. — Riot. 

October 2, 1856. — Conflict between two native 
parties. United States forces landed. 

December 18, 1858. — Attempted secession of 
Panama. 

April, 1859. — Riots. 

September, i860. — Outbreak. 

October 4, i860. — Landing- of United States 
forces in consequence. 

May 23, 1 86 1. — Intervention of the United States 
forces required, by intendente. 

October 2, 1861. — Insurrection and civil war. 

April 4, 1862. — Measures to prevent rebels cross- 
ing Isthmus. 

June 13, 1862. — Mosquera's troops refused admit- 
tance to Panama. 

March, 1865. — Revolution, and United States 
troops landed. 

August, 1865. — Riots; unsuccessful attempt to 
invade Panama. 

March, 1866. — Unsuccessful revolution. 

April, 1867. — Attempt to overthrow Government. 

August, 1867. — Attempt at revolution. 

July 5, 1868. — Revolution; provisional govern- 
ment inaugurated. 

August 29, 1868. — Revolution; provisional gov- 
ernment overthrown. 

April, 1 87 1. — Revolution; followed apparently by 
counter revolution. 



702 Presidential Addresses 

April, 1873. — Revolution and civil war which 
lasted to October, 1875. 

August, 1876. — Civil war which lasted until April, 

1877. 

July, 1878.— Rebellion. 

December, 1878. — Revolt. 

April, 1879. — Revolution. 

June, 1879. — Revolution. 

March, 1883. — Riot. 

May, 1883. — Riot. 

June, 1884. — Revolutionary attempt. 

December, 1884. — Revolutionary attempt. 

January, 1885. — Revolutionary disturbances. 

March, 1885. — Revolution. 

April, 1887. — Disturbance on Panama Railroad. 

November, 1887. — Disturbance on line of canal. 

January, 1889. — Riot. 

January, 1895. — Revolution which lasted until 
April. 

March, 1895. — Incendiary attempt. 

October, 1899. — Revolution. 

February, 1900, to July, 1900. — Revolution. 

January, 1901. — Revolution. 

July, 1901. — Revolutionary disturbances. 

September, 1901. — City of Colon taken by rebels. 

March, 1902. — Revolutionary disturbances. 

July, 1902. — Revolution. 

The above is only a partial list of the revolutions, 
rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks 
that have occurred during the period in question; 
yet they number 53 for the 57 years. It will be 
noted that one of them lasted for nearly three years 



And State Papers 703 

before it was quelled ; another for nearly a year. 
In short, the experience of over half a century has 
shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping 
order on the Isthmus. Only the active interference 
of the United States has enabled her to preserve so 
much as a semblance of sovereignty. Had it not 
been for the exercise by the United States of the 
police power in her interest, her connection with the 
Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In 
1856, in i860, in 1873, in 1885, in 1901, and again 
in 1902, sailors and marines from- United States 
warships were forced to land in order to patrol the 
Isthmus, to protect life and property, and to see that 
the transit across the Isthmus was kept open. In 
1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian 
Government asked that the United States Govern- 
ment would land troops to protect its interests and 
maintain order on the Isthmus. Perhaps the most 
extraordinary request is that which has just been 
received and which runs as follows : 

"Knowing that revolution has already commenced 
in Panama [an eminent Colombian] says that if the 
Government of the United States will land troops 
to preserve Colombian sovereignty, and the transit, 
if requested by Colombian charge d'affaires, this 
government will declare martial law; and, by virtue 
of vested constitutional authority, when public or- 
der is disturbed, will approve by decree the ratifica- 
tion of the canal treaty as signed ; or, if the Gov- 
ernment of the United States prefers, will call extra 
session of the Congress — with new and friendly 



704 Presidential Addresses 

members — next May to approve the treaty. [An 
eminent Colombian] has the perfect confidence of 
vice-president, he says, and if it became necessary 
will go to the Isthmus or send representative there 
to adjust matters along above lines to the satisfac- 
tion of the people there." 

This despatch is noteworthy from two standpoints. 
Its offer of immediately guaranteeing the treaty to 
us is in sharp contrast with the positive and con- 
temptuous refusal of the Congress which has just 
closed its sessions to consider favorably such a 
treaty; it shows that the government which made 
the treaty really had absolute control over the situa- 
tion, but did not choose to exercise this control. The 
despatch further calls on us to restore order and 
secure Colombian supremacy in the Isthmus from 
which the Colombian Government has just by its 
action decided to bar us by preventing the construc- 
tion of the canal. 

The control, in the interest of the commerce and 
traffic of the whole civilized world, of the means of 
undisturbed transit across the Isthmus of Panama 
has become of transcendent importance to the United 
States. We have repeatedly exercised this control 
by intervening in the course of domestic dissension, 
and by protecting the territory from foreign inva- 
sion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian 
minister that we should not hesitate to maintain the 
neutrality of the Isthmus in the case of war between 
Peru and Colombia. In 1864 Colombia, which has 
always been vigilant to avail itself of its privileges 



And State Papers 705 

conferred by the treaty, expressed its expectation 
that in the event of war between Peru and Spain the 
United States would carry into effect the guarantee 
of neutrality. There have been few administrations 
of the State Department in which this treaty has 
not, either by the one side or the other, been used 
as a basis of more or less important demands. It 
was said by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the Department 
of State had reason to believe that an attack upon 
Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on sev- 
eral occasions, been averted by warning from this 
Government. In 1886, when Colombia was under 
the menace of hostilities from Italy in the Cerruti 
case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious concern that 
the United States could not but feel, that a European 
power should resort to force against a sister republic 
of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and uninter- 
rupted use of a part of whose territory we are guar- 
antors under the solemn faith of a treaty. 

The above recital of facts establishes beyond ques- 
tion : First, that the United States has for over half 
a century patiently and in good faith carried out its 
obligations under the treaty of 1846; second, that 
when for the first time it became possible for Co- 
lombia to do anything in requital of the services thus 
repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven years by the 
United States, the Colombian Government peremp- 
torily and offensively refused thus to> do its part, 
even though to do so would have been to its advan- 
tage and immeasurably to the advantage of the State 
of Panama, at that time under its jurisdiction ; third, 



706 Presidential Addresses 

that throughout this period revolutions, riots, and 
factional disturbances of every kind have occurred 
one after the other in almost uninterrupted succes- 
sion, some of them lasting for months and even for 
years, while the central government was unable to 
put them down or to make peace with the rebels; 
fourth, that these disturbances instead of showing 
any sign of abating have tended to grow more nu- 
merous and more serious in the immediate past; 
fifth, that the control of Colombia over the Isthmus 
of Panama could not be maintained without the 
armed intervention and assistance of the United 
States. In other words, the Government of Co- 
lombia, though wholly unable to maintain order on 
the Isthmus, has nevertheless declined to ratify a 
treaty the conclusion of which opened the only 
chance to secure its own stability and to guarantee 
permanent peace on, and the construction of a canal 
across, the Isthmus. 

Under such circumstances, the Government of the 
United States would have been guilty of folly and 
weakness, amounting in their sum to a crime against 
the Nation, had it acted otherwise than it did when 
the revolution of November 3 last took place in 
Panama. This great enterprise of building the in- 
teroceanic canal can not be held up to gratify the 
whims, or out of respect to the governmental impo- 
tence, or to the even more sinister and evil political 
peculiarities, of people who, though they dwell afar 
off, yet, against the wish of the actual dwellers on 
the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy over the 



And State Papers 707 

territory. The possession of a territory fraught 
with such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus in ques- 
tion carries with it obligations to mankind. The 
course of events has shown that this canal can not 
be built by private enterprise, or by any other nation 
than our own; therefore it must be built by the 
United States. 

Every effort has been made by the Government of 
the United States to persuade Colombia to follow a 
course which was essentially nqt only to our inter- 
ests and to the interests of the world, but to the 
interests of Colombia itself. These efforts have 
failed ; and Colombia, by her persistence in repulsing 
the advances that have been made, has forced us, for 
the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and 
well-being, not merely of our own people, but of the 
people of the Isthmus of Panama and the people of 
the civilized countries of the world, to take decisive 
steps to bring to an end a condition of affairs which 
had become intolerable. The new Republic of Pan- 
ama immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with 
us. This treaty I herewith submit. By it our inter- 
ests are better safeguarded than in the treaty with 
Colombia which was ratified by the Senate at its 
last session. It is better in its terms than the trea- 
ties offered to us by the Republics of Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this great 
undertaking is made available. Panama has done 
her part. All that remains is for the American Con- 
gress to do its part and forthwith this Republic will 
enter upon the execution of a project colossal in its 



708 Presidential Addresses 

size and of wellnigh incalculable possibilities for the 
good of this country and the nations of mankind. 

By the provisions of the treaty the United States 
guarantees and will maintain the independence of the 
Republic of Panama. There is granted to the United 
States in perpetuity the use, occupation, and control 
of a strip ten miles wide and extending three nauti- 
cal miles into the sea at either terminal, with all 
lands lying outside of the zone necessary for the 
construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works, 
and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. The 
cities of Panama and Colon are not embraced in the 
canal zone, but the United States assumes their 
sanitation and, in case of need, the maintenance of 
order therein; the United States enjoys within the 
granted limits all the rights, power, and authority 
which it would possess were it the sovereign of the 
territory to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign 
rights by the republic. All railway and canal prop- 
erty rights belonging to Panama and needed for the 
canal pass to the United States, including any prop- 
erty of the respective companies in the cities of 
Panama and Colon ; the works, property, and person- 
nel of the canal and railways are exempted from tax- 
ation as well in the cities oif Panama and Colon as 
in the canal zone and its dependencies. Free im- 
migration of the personnel and importation of sup- 
plies for the construction and operation of the canal 
are granted. Provision is made for the use of mili- 
tary force and the building of fortifications by the 
United States for the protection of the transit. In 



And State Papers 709 

other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the 
interests of the New, Panama Canal Company and 
the Panama Railway by the United States and the 
condemnation of private property for the uses of the 
canal, the stipulations of the Hay-Herran treaty are 
closely followed, while the compensation to be given 
for these enlarged grants remains the same, being 
ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of ratifi- 
cations ; and, beginning nine years from that date, an 
annual payment of $250,000 during the life of the 
convention. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 
White House, 
December 7, 1903. 

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO 
HOUSES OF CONGRESS ON JANUARY 4, 1904 

To the Senate and House of Representatives: 

I lay before the Congress for its information a 
statement of my action up to this time in executing 
the act entitled "An act to provide for the construc- 
tion of a canal connecting the waters of the Atlantic 
and Pacific Oceans," approved June 28, 1902. 

By the said act the President was authorized to 
secure for the United States the property of the 
Panama Canal Company and the perpetual control 
of a strip six miles wide across the Isthmus of 
Panama. It was further provided that "should the 
President be unable to obtain for the United States 
a satisfactory title to the property of the New 



710 Presidential Addresses 

Panama Canal Company and the control of the 
necessary territory of the Republic of Colombia . . . 
within a reasonable time and upon reasonable terms, 
then the President" should endeavor to provide for 
a canal by the Nicaragua route. The language 
quoted defines with exactness and precision what 
was to be done, and what as a matter of fact has 
been done. The President was authorized to go to 
the Nicaragua route only if within a reasonable 
time he could not obtain "control of the necessary 
territory of the Republic of Colombia." This con- 
trol has now been obtained ; the provision of the act 
has been complied with; it is no longer possible 
under existing legislation to go to the Nicaragua 
route as an alternative. 

This act marked the climax of the effort on 
the part of the United States to secure, so far as 
legislation was concerned, an interoceanic canal 
across the Isthmus. The effort to secure a treaty 
for this purpose with one of the Central American 
republics did not stand on the same footing with 
the effort to secure a treaty under any ordinary con- 
ditions. The proper position for the United States 
to assume in reference to this canal, and therefore 
to the governments of the Isthmus, had been clearly 
set forth by Secretary Cass in 1858. In my Annual 
Message I have already quoted what Secretary Cass 
said; but I repeat the quotation here, because the 
principle it states is fundamental : 

While the rights of sovereignty of the States oc- 
cupying this region (Central America) should al- 



And State Papers 711 

ways be respected, we shall expect that these rights 
be exercised in a spirit befitting the occasion and the 
wants and circumstances that have arisen. Sover- 
eignty has its duties as well as its rights, and none 
of these local governments, even if administered 
with more regard to the just demands of other na- 
tions than they have been, would be permitted, in a 
spirit of Eastern isolation, to close the gates of in- 
tercourse on the great highways of the world, and 
justify the act by the pretension that these avenues 
of trade and travel belong to them and that they 
choose to shut them, or, what is almost equivalent, 
to encumber them with such unjust relations as 
would prevent their general use. 

The principle thus enunciated by Secretary Cass 
was sound then and it is sound now. The United 
States has taken the position that no other govern- 
ment is to build the canal. In 1889, when France 
proposed to come to the aid of the French Panama 
Company by guaranteeing their bonds, the Senate 
of the United States in executive session, with only 
some three votes dissenting, passed a resolution as 
follows : 

That the Government of the United States will 
look with serious concern and disapproval upon any 
connection of any European government with the 
construction or control of any ship canal across the 
Isthmus of Darien or across Central America, and 
must regard any such connection or control as in- 
jurious to the just rights and interests of the United 
States and as a menace to their welfare. 



712 Presidential Addresses 

Under the Hay-Pauncefote treaty it was explicitly 
provided that the United States should control, po- 
lice, and protect the canal which was to be built, 
keeping it open for the vessels of all nations on 
equal terms. The United States thus assumed the 
position of guarantor of the canal and of its peace- 
ful use by all the world. The guarantee included 
as a matter of course the building of the canal. 
The enterprise was recognized as responding to an 
international need ; and it would be the veriest trav- 
esty on right and justice to treat the governments 
in possession of the Isthmus as having the right, 
in the language of Mr. Cass, "to close the gates of 
intercourse on the great highways of the world, and 
justify the act by the pretension that these avenues 
of trade and travel belong to them and that they 
choose to shut them." 

When this Government submitted to Colombia 
the Hay-Herran treaty three things were, therefore, 
already settled. 

One was that the canal should be built. The 
time for delay, the time for permitting the attempt 
to be made by private enterprise, the time for per- 
mitting any government of anti-social spirit and of 
imperfect development to bar the work, was past. 
The United States had assumed in connection with 
the canal certain responsibilities not only to its own 
people, but to the civilized world, which imperatively 
demanded that there should no longer be delay in 
beginning the work. 

Second. While it was settled that the canal 



And State Papers 713 

should be built without unnecessary or improper 
delay, it was no less clearly shown to be our pur- 
pose to deal not merely in a spirit of justice but in 
a spirit of generosity with the people through whose 
land we might build it. The Hay-Herran treaty, if 
it erred at all, erred in the direction of an over- 
generosity toward the Colombian Government. In 
our anxiety to be fair we had gone to the very verge 
in yielding to a weak nation's demands what that 
nation was helplessly unable to enforce from us 
against our will. The only criticisms made upon 
the Administration for the terms of the Hay-Herran 
treaty were for having granted too much to Colom- 
bia, not for failure to grant enough. Neither in 
the Congress nor in the public press, at the time 
that this treaty was formulated, was there complaint 
that it did not in the fullest and amplest manner 
guarantee to Colombia everything that she could 
by any color of title demand. 

Nor is the fact to be lost sight of that the rejected 
treaty, while generously responding to the pecuniary 
demands of Colombia, in other respects merely pro- 
vided for the construction of the canal in conformity 
with the express requirements of the act of the Con- 
gress of June 28, 1902. By that act, as heretofore 
quoted, the President was authorized to acquire from 
Colombia, for the purposes of the canal, "perpetual 
control" of a certain strip of land ; and it was ex- 
pressly required that the "control" thus to be ob- 
tained should include "jurisdiction" to make police 
and sanitary regulations and to establish such judi- 

14 _Vol. XIV 



714 Presidential Addresses 

cial tribunals as might be agreed on for their en- 
forcement. These were conditions precedent pre- 
scribed by the Congress; and for their fulfilment 
suitable stipulations were embodied in the treaty. 
It has been stated in public prints that Colombia 
objected to these stipulations, on the ground that 
they involved a relinquishment of her "sovereign- 
ty" ; but in the light of what has taken place, this 
alleged objection must be considered as an after- 
thought. In reality, the treaty, instead of requiring 
a cession of Colombia's sovereignty over the canal 
strip, expressly acknowledged, confirmed, and pre- 
served her sovereignty over it. The treaty in this 
respect simply proceeded on the lines on which all 
the negotiations leading up to the present situation 
have been conducted. In those negotiations the ex- 
ercise by the United States, subject to the para- 
mount rights of the local sovereign, of a substantial 
control over the canal and the immediately adjacent 
territory, has been treated as a fundamental part of 
any arrangement that might be made. It has formed 
an essential feature of all our plans, and its neces- 
sity is fully recognized in the Hay-Pauncefote 
treaty. The Congress, in providing that such con- 
trol should be secured, adopted no new principle, 
but only incorporated in its legislation a condition 
the importance and propriety of which were uni- 
versally recognized. During all the years of nego- 
tiation and discussion that preceded the conclusion 
of the Hay-Herran treaty, Colombia never inti- 
mated that the requirement by the United States of 



And State Papers 715 

control over the canal strip would render unattain- 
able the construction of a canal by way of the Isth- 
mus of Panama; nor were we advised, during the 
months when legislation of 1902 was pending be- 
fore the Congress, that the terms which it em- 
bodied would render negotiations with Colombia 
impracticable. It is plain that no nation could con- 
struct and guarantee the neutrality of the canal with 
a less degree of control than was stipulated for in 
the Hay-Herran treaty. A refusal to grant such 
degree of control was necessarily a refusal to make 
any practicable treaty at all. Such refusal there- 
fore squarely raised the question whether Colombia 
was entitled to bar the transit of the world's traffic 
across the Isthmus. 

That the canal itself was eagerly demanded by 
the people of the locality through which it was to 
pass, and that the people of this locality no less 
eagerly longed for its construction under American 
control, are shown by the unanimity of action in the 
new Panama Republic. Furthermore, Colombia, 
after having rejected the treaty in spite of our pro- 
tests and warnings when it was in her power to 
accept it, has since shown the utmost eagerness to 
accept the same treaty if only the status quo could 
be restored. One of the men standing highest in 
the official circles of Colombia, on November 6, ad- 
dressed the American minister at Bogota, saying 
that if the Government of the United States would 
land troops to preserve Colombian sovereignty and 
the transit, the Colombian Government would "de- 



Ji6 Presidential Addresses 

clare martial law; and, by virtue of vested consti- 
tutional authority, when public order is disturbed, 
[would] approve by decree the ratification of the 
canal treaty as signed ; or, if the Government of the 
United States prefers, [would] call extra session of 
the Congress — with new and friendly members — 
next May to approve the treaty." Having these 
facts in view, there is no shadow of question that 
the Government of the United States proposed a 
treaty which was not merely just, but generous to 
Colombia, which our people regarded as erring, if 
at all, on the side of overgenerosity ; which was 
hailed with delight by the people of the immediate 
locality through which the canal was to pass, who 
were most concerned as to the new order of things, 
and which the Colombian authorities now recognize 
as being so good that they are willing to promise 
its unconditional ratification if only we will desert 
those who have shown themselves our friends and 
restore to those who have shown themselves un- 
friendly the power to undo what they did. I pass 
by the question as to what assurance we have that 
they would now keep their pledge and not again re- 
fuse to ratify the treaty if they had the power; for, 
of course, I will not for one moment discuss the 
possibility of the United States committing an act 
of such baseness as to abandon the new Republic 
of Panama. 

Third. Finally the Congress definitely settled 
where the canal was to be built. It was provided 
that a treaty should be made for building the canal 



And State Papers 717 

across the Isthmus of Panama; and if, after reason- 
able time, it proved impossible to secure such treaty, 
that then we should go to Nicaragua. The treaty 
has been made; for it needs no argument to show 
that the intent of the Congress was to ensure a 
canal across Panama, and that whether the repub- 
lic granting the title was called New Granada, 
Colombia, or Panama mattered not one whit. As 
events turned out, the question of "reasonable time" 
did not enter into the matter at all. Although, as 
the months went by, it became increasingly im- 
probable that the Colombian Congress would ratify 
the treaty or take steps which would be equivalent 
thereto, yet all chance for such action on their part 
did not vanish until the Congress closed at the end 
of October; and within three days thereafter the 
revolution in Panama had broken out. Panama 
became an independent state, and the control of the 
territory necessary for building the canal then be- 
came obtainable. The condition under which alone 
we could have gone to Nicaragua thereby became 
impossible of fulfilment. If the pending treaty with 
Panama should not be ratified by the Senate this 
would not alter the fact that we could not go to 
Nicaragua. The Congress has decided the route, 
and there is no alternative under existing legislation. 
When in August it began to appear probable 
that the Colombian Legislature would not ratify 
the treaty, it became incumbent upon me to con- 
sider well what the situation was and to be ready 
to advise the Congress as to what were the various 



7i 8 Presidential Addresses 

alternatives of action open to us. There were sev- 
eral possibilities. One was that Colombia would 
at the last moment see the unwisdom of her posi- 
tion. That there might be nothing omitted, Secre- 
tary Hay, through the minister at Bogota, repeat- 
edly warned Colombia that grave consequences 
might follow from her rejection of the treaty. Al- 
though it was a constantly diminishing chance, yet 
the possibility of ratification did not wholly pass 
away until the close of the session of the Colombian 
Congress. 

A second alternative was that by the close of the 
session on the last day of October, without the rati- 
fication of the treaty by Colombia and without any 
steps taken by Panama, the American Congress on 
assembling early in November would be confronted 
with a situation in which there had been a failure 
to come to terms as to building the canal along the 
Panama route, and yet there had not been a lapse 
of a reasonable time — using the word reasonable in 
any proper sense — such as would justify the Ad- 
ministration going to the Nicaragua route. This 
situation seemed on the whole the most likely, and 
as a matter of fact I had made the original draft 
of my Message to the Congress with a view to its 
existence. 

It was the opinion of eminent international jurists 
that in view of the fact that the great design of our 
guarantee under the treaty of 1846 was to dedicate 
the Isthmus to the purposes of interoceanic transit, 
and above all to secure the construction of an inter- 



And State Papers 719 

oceanic canal, Colombia could not under existing 
conditions refuse to enter into a proper arrange- 
ment with the United States to that end, without 
violating the spirit and substantially repudiating the 
obligations of a treaty the full benefits of which 
she had enjoyed for over fifty years. My intention 
was to consult the Congress as to whether under 
such circumstances it would not be proper to an- 
nounce that the canal was to be dug forthwith ; 
that we would give the terms that we had offered 
and no others ; and that if such terms were not 
agreed to we would enter into an arrangement with 
Panama direct, or take what other steps were need- 
ful in order to begin the enterprise. 

A third possibility was that the people of the 
Isthmus, who had formerly constituted an independ- 
ent state, and who until recently were united to 
Colombia only by a loose tie of federal relationship, 
might take the protection of their own vital interests 
into their own hands, reassert their former rights, 
declare their independence upon just grounds, and 
establish a government competent and willing to do 
its share in this great work for civilization. This 
third possibility is what actually occurred. Every 
one knew that it was a possibility, but it was not 
until toward the end of October that it appeared to 
be an imminent probability. Although the Admin- 
istration, of course, had special means of knowledge, 
no such means were necessary in order to appreciate 
the possibility, and toward the end the likelihood, 
of such a revolutionary outbreak and of its success. 



720 Presidential Addresses 

It was a matter of common notoriety. Quotations 
from the daily papers could be indefinitely multi- 
plied to show this state of affairs; a very few will 
suffice. From Costa Rica on August 31 a special 
was sent to the Washington "Post," running as fol- 
lows : 

San Jose, Costa Rica, 
August 31 

Travelers from Panama report the Isthmus alive 
with fires of a new revolution. It is inspired, it is 
believed, by men who, in Panama and Colon, have 
systematically engendered the pro- American feeling 
to secure the building of the Isthmian Canal by the 
United States. 

The Indians have risen, and the late followers of 
Gen. Benjamin Herrera are mustering in the moun- 
tain villages, preparatory to joining in an organized 
revolt, caused by the rejection of the canal treaty. 

Hundreds of stacks of arms, confiscated by the 
Colombian Government at the close of the late rev- 
olution, have reappeared from some mysterious 
source, and thousands of rifles that look suspic- 
iously like the Mausers the United States captured 
in Cuba are issuing to the gathering forces from cen- 
tral points of distribution. With the arms goes 
ammunition, fresh . from factories, showing the 
movement is not spasmodic, but is carefully planned. 

The government forces in Panama and Colon, 
numbering less than 1,500 men, are reported to be 
a little more than friendly to the revolutionary spirit. 
They have been ill paid since the revolution closed, 



And State Papers 721 

and their only hope of prompt payment is another 
war. 

General Huertes, commander of the forces, who 
is ostensibly loyal to the Bogota Government, is said 
to be secretly friendly to the proposed revolution. 
At least, all his personal friends are open in denunci- 
ation of the Bogota Government and the failure of 
the Colombian Congress to ratify the canal treaty. 

The consensus of opinion gathered from late ar- 
rivals from the Isthmus is that the revolution is com- 
ing, and that it will succeed. 

A special despatch to the Washington "Post," 
under date of New York, September 1, runs as 
follows : 

B. G. Duque, editor and proprietor of the "Pana- 
ma Star and Herald," a resident of the Isthmus 
during the past twenty-seven years, who arrived to- 
day in New York, declared that if the canal treaty 
fell through a revolution would be likely to follow. 

"There is a very strong feeling in Panama," said 
Mr. Duque, "that Colombia, in negotiating the sale 
of a canal concession in Panama, is looking for prof- 
its that might just as well go to Panama herself. 

"The Colombian Government, only the other day, 
suppressed a newspaper that dared to speak of inde- 
pendence for Panama. A while ago there was a 
secret plan afoot to cut loose from Colombia and 
seek the protection of the United States." 

In the New York "Herald" of September 10 the 
following statement appeared : 



"Ill Presidential Addresses 

Representatives of strong interests on the Isthmus 
of Panama, who make their headquarters in this 
city, are considering a plan of action to be under- 
taken in co-operation with men of similar views in 
Panama and Colon to bring about a revolution and 
form an independent government in Panama opposed 
to that in Bogota. 

There is much indignation on the Isthmus on ac- 
count of the failure of the canal treaty, which is as- 
cribed to the authorities at Bogota. This opinion 
is believed to be shared by a majority of the Isth- 
mians of all shades of political belief, and they think 
it is to their best interest for a new republic to be 
formed on the Isthmus, which may negotiate di- 
rectly with the United States a new treaty which 
will permit the digging of the Panama Canal under 
favorable conditions. 

In the New York "Times," under date of Sep- 
tember 13, there appeared from Bogota the follow- 
ing statement : 

A proposal made by Senor Perez y Sotos to ask 
the Executive to appoint an anti-secessionist gov- 
ernor in Panama has been approved by the Senate. 
Speakers in the Senate said that Senor Obaldia, who 
was recently appointed Governor of Panama, and 
who is favorable to a canal treaty, was a menace to 
the national integrity. Senator Marroquin protested 
against the action of the Senate. 

President Marroquin succeeded later in calming 
the Congressmen. It appears that he was able to 
give them satisfactory reasons for Governor Obal- 



And State Papers 723 

dia's appointment. He appears to realize the immi- 
nent peril of the Isthmus of Panama declaring its 
independence. 

Seiior Deroux, representative for a Panama con- 
stituency, recently delivered a sensational speech in 
the House. Among - other things he said : 

"In Panama the bishops, governors, magistrates, 
military chiefs, and their subordinates have been and 
are foreign to the department. It seems that the 
government, with surprising tenacity, wishes to ex- 
clude the Isthmus from all participation in public 
affairs. As regards international dangers in the 
Isthmus, all I can say is that if these dangers exist 
they are due to the conduct of the national govern- 
ment, which is in the direction of reaction. 

"If the Colombian Government will not take ac- 
tion with a view to preventing disaster, the respon- 
sibility will rest with it alone." 

In the New York "Herald" of October 26 it was 
reported that a revolutionary expedition of about 
70 men had actually landed on the Isthmus. In the 
Washington "Post" of October 29 it was reported 
from Panama that in view of the impending trouble 
on the Isthmus the Bogota Government had gath- 
ered troops in sufficient numbers to at once put 
down an attempt at secession. In the New York 
"Herald" of October 30 it was announced from 
Panama that Bogota was hurrying troops to the 
Isthmus to put down the projected revolt. In the 
New York "Herald" of November 2 it was an- 
nounced that in Bogota the Congress had indorsed 



724 Presidential Addresses 

the energetic measures taken to meet the situation 
on the Isthmus and that 6,000 men were about to 
be sent thither. 

Quotations like the above could be multiplied 
indefinitely. Suffice it to say that it was notorious 
that revolutionary trouble of a serious nature was 
impending upon the Isthmus. But it was not nec- 
essary to rely exclusively upon such general means 
of information. On October 15 Commander Hub- 
bard, of the navy, notified the Navy Department 
that, though things were quiet on the Isthmus, a 
revolution had broken out in the State of Cauca. 
On October 16, at the request of Lieutenant-General 
Young, I saw Capt. C. B. Humphrey and Lieut. 
Grayson Mallet-Prevost Murphy, who had just re- 
turned from a four months' tour through the north- 
ern portions of Venezuela and Colombia. They 
stopped in Panama on their return in the latter part 
of September. At the time they were sent down 
there had been no thought of their going to Pan- 
ama, and their visit to the Isthmus was but an 
unpremeditated incident of their return journey; nor 
had they been spoken to by any one at Washington 
regarding the possibility of a revolt. Until they 
landed at Colon they had no knowledge that a revo- 
lution was impending, save what they had gained 
from the newspapers. What they saw in Panama 
so impressed them that they reported thereon to 
Lieutenant-General Young, according to his memo- 
randum — 
that while on the Isthmus they became satisfied be- 



And State Papers 725 

yond question that, owing largely to the dissatisfac- 
tion because of the failure of Colombia to ratify the 
Hay-Herran treaty, a revolutionary party was in 
course of organization having for its object the 
separation of the State of Panama from Colombia, 
the leader being Dr. Richard Arango, a former gov- 
ernor of Panama ; that when they were on the Isth- 
mus arms and ammunition were being smuggled 
into the city of Colon in piano boxes, merchandise 
crates, etc., the small arms received being principally 
the Gras French rifle, the Remington, and the Mau- 
ser; that nearly every citizen in Panama had some 
sort of rifle or gun in his possession, with ammuni- 
tion therefor; that in the city of Panama there had 
been organized a fire brigade which was really in- 
tended for a revolutionary military organization; 
that there were representatives of the revolutionary 
organization at all important points on the Isthmus ; 
that in Panama, Colon, and the other principal places 
of the Isthmus police forces had been organized 
which were in reality revolutionary forces; that the 
people on the Isthmus seemed to be unanimous in 
their sentiment against the Bogota Government, and 
their disgust over the failure of that government to 
ratify the treaty providing for the construction of 
the canal, and that a revolution might be expected 
immediately upon the adjournment of the Colombian 
Congress without ratification of the treaty. 

Lieutenant-General Young regarded their report 
as of such importance as to make it advisable that 
I should personally see these officers. They told me 
what they had already reported to the Lieutenant- 



726 Presidential Addresses 

General, adding that on the Isthmus the excitement 
was seething, and that the Colombian troops were 
reported to be disaffected. In response to a ques- 
tion of mine they informed me that it was the gen- 
eral belief that the revolution might break out at 
any moment, and if it did not happen before, would 
doubtless take place immediately after the closing 
of the Colombian Congress (at the end of October) 
if the canal treaty were not ratified. They were 
certain that the revolution would occur, and before 
leaving the Isthmus had made their own reckoning 
as to the time, which they had set down as being 
probably from three to four weeks after their leav- 
ing. The reason they set this as the probable inside 
limit of time was that they reckoned that it would 
be at least three or four weeks — say not until Octo- 
ber 20 — before a sufficient quantity of arms and 
munitions would have been landed. 

In view of all these facts I directed the Navy 
Department to issue instructions such as would en- 
sure our having ships within easy reach of the 
Isthmus in the event of need arising. Orders were 
given on October 19 to the Boston to proceed to 
San Juan del Sur, Nicaragua ; to the Dixie to pre- 
pare to sail from League Island; and to the Atlanta 
to proceed to Guantanamo. On October 30 the 
Nashville was ordered to proceed to Colon. On 
November 2, when, the Colombian Congress having 
adjourned, it was evident that the outbreak was 
imminent, and when it was announced that both 
sides were making ready forces whose meeting 



And State Papers 727 

would mean bloodshed and disorder, the Colombian 
troops having been embarked on vessels, the fol- 
lowing" instructions were sent to the commanders of 
the Boston, Nashville, and Dixie: 

Maintain free and uninterrupted transit. If in- 
terruption is threatened by armed force, occupy the 
line of railroad. Prevent landing of any armed 
force with hostile intent, either government or in- 
surgent, at any point within 50 miles of Panama. 
Government force reported approaching the Isthmus 
in vessels. Prevent their landing if, in your judg- 
ment, the landing would precipitate a conflict. 

These orders were delivered in pursuance of the 
policy on which our Government had repeatedly 
acted. This policy was exhibited in the following 
orders, given under somewhat similar circumstances 
last year, and the year before, and the year before 
that. The first two telegrams are from the Depart- 
ment of State to the consul at Panama : 

July 25, 1900 
You are directed to protest against any act of 
hostility which may involve or imperil the safe and 
peaceful transit of persons or property across the 
Isthmus of Panama. The bombardment of Panama 
would have this, effect, and the United States must 
insist upon the neutrality of the Isthmus as guaran- 
teed by the treaty. 

November 20, ipoi 
Notify all parties molesting or interfering with 
free transit across the Isthmus that such interfer- 
ence must cease and that the United States will pre- 



728 Presidential Addresses 

vent the interruption of traffic upon the railroad. 
Consult with captain of the Iowa, who will be in- 
structed to land marines, if necessary, for the pro- 
tection of the railroad, in accordance with the treaty 
rights and obligations of the United States. Desir- 
able to avoid bloodshed, if possible. 

The next three telegrams are from and to the 
Secretary of the Navy: 

September 12, 1902 
Ranger, Panama: 

United States guarantees perfect neutrality of 
Isthmus and that a free transit from sea to sea be 
not interrupted or embarrassed. . . . Any trans- 
portation of troops which might contravene these 
provisions of treaty should not be sanctioned by you 
nor should use of road be permitted which might 
convert the line of transit into theatre of hostility. 

Moody. 

Colon, 
September 20, 1902 
Secretary Navy, Washington: 

Everything is conceded. The United States 
guards and guarantees traffic and the line of transit. 
To-day I permitted the exchange of Colombian 
troops from Panama to Colon, about 1,000 men 
each way, the troops without arms in train guarded 
by American naval force in the same manner as 
other passengers ; arms and ammunition in separate 
train, guarded also by naval force in the same man- 
ner as other freight. 

McLean. 



And State Papers 729 

Panama, 
October j, 1902 
Secretary Navy, 

Washington, D. C: 
Have sent this communication to the American 
consul at Panama : 

"Inform Governor while trains running under 
United States protection I must decline transporta- 
tion any combatants, ammunition, arms, which 
might cause interruption traffic or convert line of 
transit into theatre hostilities." 

Casey. 

On November 3 Commander Hubbard responded 
to the above-quoted telegram of November 2, 1903, 
saying that before the telegram had been received 
400 Colombian troops from Cartagena had landed 
at Colon; that there had been no revolution on the 
Isthmus, but that the situation was most critical if 
the revolutionary leaders should act. On this same 
date the Associated Press in Washington received 
a bulletin stating that a revolutionary outbreak had 
occurred. When this was brought to the attention 
of the Assistant Secretary of State, Mr. Loomis, 
he prepared the following cablegram to the consul- 
general at Panama and the consul at Colon: 

Uprising on Isthmus reported. Keep Depart- 
ment promptly and fully informed. 

Before this telegram was sent, however, one was 
received from Consul Malmros at Colon, running 
as follows : 



73° Presidential Addresses 

Revolution imminent. Government force on the 
Isthmus about 500 men. Their official promised 
support revolution. Fire department, Panama, 441, 
are well organized and favor revolution. Govern- 
ment vessel, Cartagena, with about 400 men, arrived 
early to-day with new commander-in-chief, Tobar. 
Was not expected until November 10. Tobar's ar- 
rival is not probable to stop revolution. 

This cablegram was received at 2.35 p.m., and 
at 3.40 p.m. Mr. Loomis sent the telegram which he 
had already prepared to both Panama and Colon. 
Apparently, however, the consul-general at Panama 
had not received the information embodied in the 
Associated Press bulletin, upon which the Assistant 
Secretary of State based his dispatch ; for his answer 
was that there was no uprising, although the sit- 
uation was critical, this answer being received at 
8.15 p.m. Immediately afterward he sent another 
dispatch, which was received at 9.50 p.m., saying 
that the uprising had occurred, and had been suc- 
cessful, with no bloodshed. The Colombian gun- 
boat Bogota next day began to shell the city of 
Panama, with the result of killing one Chinaman. 
The consul-general was directed to notify her to 
stop firing. Meanwhile, on November 4, Command- 
er Hubbard notified the Department that he had 
landed a force to protect the lives and property of 
American citizens against the threats of the Co- 
lombian soldiery. 

Before any step whatever had been taken by the 



And State Papers 731 

United States troops to restore order, the com- 
mander of the newly landed Colombian troops had 
indulged in wanton and violent threats against 
American citizens, which created serious apprehen- 
sion. As Commander Hubbard reported in his let- 
ter of November 5, this officer and his troops prac- 
tically began war against the United States, and 
only the forbearance and coolness of our officers 
and men prevented bloodshed. The letter of Com- 
mander Hubbard is of such interest that it deserves 
quotation in full, and runs as follows : 

U. S. S. Nashville, Third Rate, 
Colon, U. S. Colombia, November 5, 1903 

Sir : Pending a complete report of the occurrences 
of the last three days in Colon, Colombia, I most 
respectfully invite the Department's attention to 
those of the date of Wednesday, November 4, which 
amounted to practically the making of war against 
the United States by the officer in command of the 
Colombian troops in Colon. At 1 o'clock p.m. on 
that date I was summoned on shore by a precon- 
certed signal, and on landing met the United States 
consul, vice-consul, and Colonel Shaler, the general 
superintendent of the Panama Railroad. The con- 
sul informed me that he had received notice from 
the officer commanding the Colombian troops, Colo- 
nel Torres, through the prefect of Colon, to the ef- 
fect that if the Colombian officers, Generals Tobal 
and Amaya, who had been seized in Panama on the 
evening of the 3d of November by the Independents 



73 2 Presidential Addresses 

and held as prisoners, were not released by 2 o'clock 
p.m., he, Torres, would open fire on the town of 
Colon and kill every United States citizen in the 
place, and my advice and action were requested. I 
advised that all the United States citizens should 
take refuge in the shed of the Panama Railroad 
Company, a stone building susceptible of being put 
into good state for defence, and that I would imme- 
diately land such body of men. with extra arms for 
arming the citizens, as the complement of the ship 
would permit. This was agreed to, and I imme- 
diately returned on board, arriving at 1.15 p.m. 
The order for landing was immediately given, and 
at 1.30 p.m. the boats left the ship with a party of 
42 men under the command of Lieut. -Commander 
H. M. Witzel, with Midshipman J. P. Jackson as 
second in command. Time being pressing I gave 
verbal orders to Mr. Witzel to take the building 
above referred to, to put it into the best state of de- 
fence possible, and protect the lives of the citizens 
assembled there — not firing unless fired upon. The 
women and children took refuge on the German 
steamer Marcomania and Panama Railroad steamer 
City of Washington, both ready to haul out from 
dock if necessary. The Nashville I got under way 
and patrolled with her along the water front close 
in and ready to use either small-arm or shrapnel 
fire. The Colombians surrounded the building of 
the railroad company almost immediately after we 
had taken possession, and for about one and a half 
hours their attitude was most threatening, it being 
seemingly their purpose to provoke an attack. Hap- 



And State Papers 733 

pily our men were cool and steady, and, while the 
tension was very great, no shot was fired. At about 
3.15 p.m. Colonel Torres came into the building- for 
an interview and expressed himself as most friendly 
to Americans, claiming that the whole affair was a 
misapprehension and that he would like to send the 
alcalde of Colon to Panama to see General Tobal 
and have him direct the discontinuance of the show 
of force. A special train was furnished and safe 
conduct guaranteed. At about 5.30 p.m. Colonel 
Torres made the proposition of withdrawing his 
troops to Monkey Hill, if I would withdraw the 
Nashville's force and leave the town in possession 
of the police until the return of the alcalde on the 
morning of the 5th. After an interview with the 
United States consul and Colonel Shaler as to the 
probability of good faith in the matter. I decided to 
accept the proposition and brought my men on 
board, the disparity in numbers between my force 
and that of the Colombians, nearly ten to one, mak- 
ing me desirous of avoiding a conflict so long as the 
object in view, the protection of American citizens, 
was not imperiled. 

I am positive that the determined attitude of our 
men, their coolness and evident intention of stand- 
ing their ground, had a most salutary and decisive 
effect on the immediate situation, and was the initial 
step in the ultimate abandoning of Colon by these 
troops and their return to Cartagena the following 
day. Lieutenant-Commander Witzel is entitled to 
much praise for his admirable work in command on 
the spot. 



734 Presidential Addresses 

I feel that I can not sufficiently strongly represent 
to the Department the grossness of this outrage and 
the insult to our dignity, even apart from the sav- 
agery of the threat. 

Very respectfully, 

John Hubbard, 
Commander, U. S. Navy, 

Commanding. 
The Secretary of the Navy, 

Navy Department, Washington, D. C. 

In his letter of November 8 Commander Hubbard 
sets forth the facts more in detail: 

U. S. S. Nashville, Third Rate, 
Porto Bello, U. S. Colombia, November 8, 1003 

Sir: i. I have the honor to make the following 
report of the occurrences which took place at Colon 
and Panama in the interval between the arrival of 
the Nashville at Colon on the evening of November 
2, 1903, and the evening of November 5, 1903, 
when by the arrival of the U. S. S. Dixie at Colon 
I was relieved as senior officer by Commander F. H. 
Delano, U. S. Navy. 

2. At the time of the arrival of the Nashville at 
Colon at 5.30 p.m. on November 2 everything on 
the Isthmus was quiet. There was talk of proclaim- 
ing the independence of Panama, but no definite ac- 
tion had been taken and there had been no disturb- 
ance of peace and order. At daylight on the morn- 
ing of November 3 it was found that a vessel which 
had come in during the night was the Colombian 



And State Papers 735 

gunboat Cartagena carrying between 400 and 500 
troops. I had her boarded and learned that these 
troops were for the garrison at Panama. Inasmuch 
as the Independent party had not acted and the Gov- 
ernment of Colombia was at the time in undisputed 
control of the Province of Panama. I did not feel, 
in the absence of any instructions, that I was justi- 
fied in preventing the landing of these troops, and 
at 8.30 o'clock they were disembarked. The com- 
manding officers, Generals Amaya and Tobal, with 
four others, immediately went over to Panama to 
make arrangements for receiving and quartering 
their troops, leaving the command in charge of an 
officer whom I later learned to be Colonel Torres. 
The Department's message addressed to the care of 
the United States consul I received at 10.30 a.m.; 
it was delivered to one of the ship's boats while I 
was at the consul's and not to the consul as ad- 
dressed. The message was said to have been re- 
ceived at the cable office at 9.30 a.m. Immediately 
on deciphering the message I went on shore to see 
what arrangements the railroad company had made 
for the transportation of these troops to Panama, 
and learned that the company would not transport 
them except on request of the Governor of Panama, 
and that the prefect at Colon and the officer left in 
command of the troops had been so notified by the 
general superintendent of the Panama Railroad 
Company. I remained at the company's office until 
it was sure that no action on my part would be 
needed to prevent the transportation of the troops 
that afternoon, when I returned on board and cabled 



736 Presidential Addresses 

the Department the situation of affairs. At about 
5.30 p.m. I again went on shore, and received notice 
from the general superintendent of the railroad that 
he had received the request for the transportation of 
the troops and that they would leave on the 8 a.m. 
train on the following day. I immediately went to 
see the general superintendent, and learned that it 
had just been announced that a provisional govern- 
ment had been established at Panama — that Gen- 
erals Amaya and Tobal, the Governor of Panama, 
and four officers, who had gone to Panama in the 
morning, had been seized and were held as prison- 
ers; that they had an organized force of 1,500 
troops and wished the government troops in Colon 
to be sent over. This I declined to permit, and 
verbally prohibited the general superintendent 
from giving transportation to the troops of either 
party. 

It being then late in the evening, I sent early in 
the morning of November 4 written notification to 
the general superintendent of the Panama Railroad, 
to the prefect of Colon, and to the officer left in 
command of the Colombian troops, later ascertained 
to be Colonel Torres, that I had prohibited the trans- 
portation of troops in either direction, in order to 
preserve the free and uninterrupted transit of the 
Isthmus. Copies of these letters are hereto ap- 
pended ; also copy of my notification to the consul. 
Except to a few people, nothing was known in Colon 
of the proceedings in Panama until the arrival of 
the train at 10.45 on ^ e morning of the 4th. Some 
propositions were, I was later told, made to Colonel 



And State Papers 737 

Torres by the representatives of the new Govern- 
ment at Colon, with a view to inducing him to re- 
embark in the Cartagena and return to the port of 
Cartagena, and it was in answer to this proposition 
that Colonel Torres made the threat and took the 
action reported in my letter No. 96, of November 
5, 1903. The Cartagena left the port just after the 
threat was made, and I did not deem it expedient 
to attempt to detain her, as such action would cer- 
tainly, in the then state of affairs, have precipitated 
a conflict on shore which I was not prepared to meet. 
It is my understanding that she returned to Carta- 
gena. After the withdrawal of the Colombian 
troops on the evening of November 4, and the re- 
turn of the Nashville's force on board, as reported 
in my letter No. 96, there was no disturbance on 
shore, and the night passed quietly. On the morn- 
ing of the 5th I discovered that the commander of 
the Colombian troops had not withdrawn so far 
from the town as he had agreed, but was occupying 
buildings near the outskirts of the town. I imme- 
diately inquired into the matter and learned that he 
had some trivial excuse for not carrying out his 
agreement, and also that it was his intention to oc- 
cupy Colon again on the arrival of the alcalde due 
at 10.45 a.m., unless General Tobal sent word by 
the alcalde that he, Colonel Torres, should with- 
draw. That General Tobal had declined to give 
any instructions I was cognizant of, and the situa- 
tion at once became quite as serious as on the day 
previous. I immediately landed an armed force, 
reoccupied the same building; also landed two 1- 

i 5 _Vol. XIV 



738 Presidential Addresses 

pounders and mounted them on platform cars behind 
protection of cotton bales, and then in company 
with the United States consul had an interview with 
Colonel Torres, in the course of which I informed 
him that I had relanded my men because he had not 
kept his agreement ; that I had no interest in the af- 
fairs of either party; that my attitude was strictly 
neutral; that the troops of neither side should be 
transported; that my sole purpose in landing was 
to protect the lives and property of American citi- 
zens if threatened, as they had been threatened, and 
to maintain the free and uninterrupted transit of the 
Isthmus, and that purpose I should maintain by 
force if necessary. I also strongly advised that in 
the interests of peace, and to prevent the possibility 
of a conflict that could not but be regrettable, he 
should carry out his agreement of the previous even- 
ing and withdraw to Monkey Hill. 

Colonel Torres's only reply was that it was un- 
healthy at Monkey Hill, a reiteration of his love of 
Americans, and persistence in his intention to occu- 
py Colon, should General Tobal not give him direc- 
tions to the contrary. 

On the return of the alcalde at about 11 a.m. the 
Colombian troops marched into Colon, but did not 
assume the threatening demeanor of the previous 
clay. The American women and children again went 
on board the Marcomania and City of Washington, 
and through the British vice-consul I offered protec- 
tion to British subjects as directed in the Depart- 
ment's cablegram. A copy of the British vice-con- 
sul's acknowledgment is hereto appended. The 



And State Papers 739 

Nashville I got under way as on the previous day 
and moved close in to protect the water front. Dur- 
ing the afternoon several propositions were made to 
Colonel Torres by the representatives of the new 
government, and he was finally persuaded by them 
to embark on the Royal Mail steamer Orinoco with 
all his troops and return to Cartagena. The Orin- 
oco left her dock with the troops — 474 all told — at 
7.35 p.m. The Dixie arrived and anchored at 7.05 
p.m., when I went on board and acquainted the com- 
manding officer with the situation. A portion of 
the marine battalion was landed and the Nashville's 
force withdrawn. 

3. On the evening of November 4 Major William 
M. Black and Lieut. Mark Brooke, Corps of Engi- 
neers, U. S. Army, came to Colon from Culebra and 
volunteered their services, which were accepted, and 
they rendered very efficient help on the following 
day. 

4. I beg to assure the Department that I had no 
part whatever in the negotiations that were carried 
on between Colonel Torres and the representatives 
of the provisional government; that I landed an 
armed force only when the lives of American citi- 
zens were threatened, and withdrew this force as 
soon as there seemed to be no grounds for further 
apprehension of injury to American lives or prop- 
erty ; that I relanded an armed force because of the 
failure of Colonel Torres to carry out his agreement 
to withdraw and announced intention of returning, 
and that my attitude throughout was strictly neutral 
as between the two parties, my only purpose being 



74° Presidential Addresses 

to protect the lives and property of American citizens 
and to preserve the free and uninterrupted transit of 
the Isthmus. 

Very respectfully, 

(Signed) John Hubbard, 

Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding. 
The Secretary of the Navy, 

Bureau of Navigation, Navy Department, 

Washington, D. C. 

This plain official account of the occurrences of 
November 4 shows that, instead of there having 
been too much prevision by the American Govern- 
ment for the maintenance of order and the protec- 
tion of life and property on the Isthmus, the orders 
for the movement of the American warships had 
been too long delayed ; so long, in fact, that there 
were but forty-two marines and sailors available to 
land and protect the lives of American men and 
women. It was only the coolness and gallantry with 
which this little band of men wearing the American 
uniform faced ten times their number of armed foes, 
bent on carrying out the atrocious threat of the Co- 
lombian commander, that prevented a murderous 
catastrophe. At Panama, when the revolution broke 
out, there was no American man-of-war and no 
American troops or sailors. At Colon, Commander 
Hubbard acted with entire impartiality toward both 
sides, preventing any movement, whether by the 
Colombians or the Panamans, which would tend to 
produce bloodshed. On November 9 he prevented 
a body of the revolutionists from landing at Colon. 



And State Papers 741 

Throughout he behaved in the most creditable man- 
ner. In the New York "Evening Post," under date 
of Panama, December 8, there is an article from a 
special correspondent, which sets forth in detail the 
unbearable oppression of the Colombian Government 
in Panama. In this article is an interesting inter- 
view with a native Panaman, which runs in part as 
follows : 

. . . We looked upon the building of the canal 
as a matter of life or death to us. We wanted that 
because it meant, with the United States in control 
of it, peace and prosperity for us. President Marro- 
quin appointed an Isthmian to be governor of Pan- 
ama; and we looked upon that as of happy augury. 
Soon we heard that the canal treaty was not likely 
to be approved at Bogota; next we heard that our 
Isthmian Governor, Obaldia, who had scarcely as- 
sumed power, was to be superseded by a soldier 
from Bogota. . . . 

Notwithstanding all that Colombia has drained 
us of in the way of revenues, she did not bridge for 
us a single river, nor make a single roadway, nor 
erect a single college where our children could be 
educated, nor do anything at all to advance our in- 
dustries. . . . Well, when the new generals came 
we seized them, arrested them, and the town of 
Panama was in joy. Not a protest was made, ex- 
cept the shots fired from the Colombian gunboat 
Bogota, which killed one Chinese lying in his bed. 
We were willing to encounter the Colombian troops 
at Colon and fight it out ; but the commander of the 
United States cruiser Nashville forbade Superin- 



74 2 Presidential Addresses 

tendent Shaler to allow the railroad to transport 
troops for either party. That is our story. 

I call especial attention to the concluding portion 
of this interview, which states the willingness of 
the Panama people to fight the Colombian troops and 
the refusal of Commander Hubbard to permit them 
to use the railroad and therefore to get into a posi- 
tion where the fight could take place. It thus clearly 
appears that the fact that there was no bloodshed 
on the Isthmus was directly due — and only due — to 
the prompt and firm enforcement by the United 
States of its traditional policy. During the past 
forty years revolutions and attempts at revolution 
have succeeded one another with monotonous regu- 
larity on the Isthmus, and again and again United 
States sailors and marines have been landed as they 
were landed in this instance and under similar in- 
structions to protect the transit. One of these revo- 
lutions resulted in three years of warfare; and the 
aggregate oi bloodshed and misery caused by them 
has been incalculable. The fact that in this last revo- 
lution not a life was lost, save that of the man killed 
by the shells of the Colombian gunboat, and no prop- 
erty destroyed, was due to the action which I have 
described. We, in effect, policed the Isthmus in the 
interest of its inhabitants and of our own national 
needs, and for the good of the entire civilized world. 
Failure to act as the Administration acted would 
have meant great waste of life, great suffering, great 
destruction of property ; all of which was avoided by 



And State Papers 743 

the firmness and prudence with which Commander 
Hubbard carried out his orders and prevented either 
party from attacking the other. Our action was for 
the peace both of Colombia and of Panama. It is 
earnestly to be hoped that there will be no unwise 
conduct on our part which may encourage Colombia 
to embark on a war which can not result in her re- 
gaining control of the Isthmus, but which may cause 
much bloodshed and suffering. 

I hesitate to refer to the injurious insinuations 
which have been made of complicity by this govern- 
ment in the revolutionary movement in Panama. 
They are as destitute of foundation as of propriety. 
The only excuse for my mentioning them is the fear 
lest unthinking persons might mistake for acquies- 
cence the silence of mere self-respect. I think proper 
to say, therefore, that no one connected with this 
Government had any part in preparing, inciting, or 
encouraging the late revolution on the Isthmus of 
Panama, and that save from the reports of our mili- 
tary and naval officers, given above, no one con- 
nected with this Government had any previous 
knowledge of the revolution except such as was ac- 
cessible to any person of ordinary intelligence who 
read the newspapers and kept up a current acquaint- 
ance with public affairs. 

By the unanimous action of its people, without the 
firing of a shot — with a unanimity hardly before re- 
corded in any similar case — the people of Panama 
declared themselves an independent republic. Their 
recognition by this Government was based upon a 



744 Presidential Addresses 

state of facts in no way dependent for its justification 
upon our action in ordinary cases. I have not de- 
nied, nor do I wish to deny, either the validity or 
the propriety of the general rule that a new state 
should not be recognized as independent till it has 
shown its ability to maintain its independence. This 
rule is derived from the principle of non-interven- 
tion, and as a corollary of that principle has general- 
ly been observed by the United States. But, like the 
principle from which it is deduced, the rule is sub- 
ject to exceptions ; and there are in my opinion clear 
and imperative reasons why a departure from it was 
justified and even required in the present instance. 
These reasons embrace, first, our treaty rights; sec- 
ond, our national interests and safety ; and, third, the 
interests of collective civilization. 

I have already adverted to the treaty of 1846, by 
the thirty-fifth article of which the United States se- 
cured the right to a free and open transit across the 
Isthmus of Panama, and to that end agreed to guar- 
antee to New Granada her rights of sovereignty and 
property over that territory. This article is some- 
times discussed as if the latter guarantee constituted 
its sole object and bound the United States to pro- 
tect the sovereignty of New Granada against domes- 
tic revolution. Nothing, however, could be more er- 
roneous than this supposition. That our wise and 
patriotic ancestors, with all their dread of entangling 
alliances, would have entered into a treaty with New 
Granada solely or even primarily for the purpose of 
enabling that remnant of the original Republic of 



And State Papers 745 

Colombia, then resolved into the States of New- 
Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador, to continue from 
Bogota to rule over the Isthmus of Panama, is a 
conception that would in itself be incredible, even if 
the contrary did not clearly appear. It is true that 
since the treaty was made the United States has 
again and again been obliged forcibly to intervene 
for the preservation of order and the maintenance of 
an open transit, and that this intervention has usu- 
ally operated to the advantage of the titular Gov- 
ernment of Colombia, but it is equally true that the 
United States in intervening with or without Colom- 
bia's consent, for the protection of the transit, has 
disclaimed any duty to defend the Colombian Gov- 
ernment against domestic insurrection or against 
the erection of an independent government on the 
Isthmus of Panama. The attacks against which the 
United States engaged to protect New Granadian 
sovereignty were those of foreign powers ; but this 
engagement was only a means to the accomplish- 
ment of a yet more important end. The great de- 
sign of the article was to assure the dedication of the 
Isthmus to the purposes of free and unobstructed 
interoceanic transit, the consummation of which 
would be found in an interoceanic canal. To the 
accomplishment of this object the Government of 
the United States had for years directed its diplo- 
macy. It occupied a place in the instructions to our 
delegates to the Panama Congress during the Ad- 
ministration of John Quincy Adams. It formed the 
subject o>f a resolution of the Senate in 1835, and 



746 Presidential Addresses 

of the House of Representatives in 1839. In 1846 
its importance had become still more apparent by 
reason of the Mexican war. If the treaty of 1846 
did not in terms bind New Granada to grant reason- 
able concessions for the construction of means of in- 
teroceanic communication, it was only because it was 
not imagined that such concessions would ever be 
withheld. As it was expressly agreed that the United 
States, in consideration of its onerous guarantee of 
New Granadian sovereignty, should possess the right 
of free and open transit on any modes of communi- 
cation that might be constructed, the obvious intent 
of the treaty rendered it unnecessary, if not super- 
fluous, in terms to stipulate that permission for the 
construction of such modes of communication should 
not be denied. 

Long before the conclusion of the Hay-Herran 
treaty the course of events had shown that a canal to 
connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans must be 
built by the United States or not at all. Experience 
had demonstrated that private enterprise was utterly 
inadequate for the purpose; and a fixed policy, de- 
clared by the United States on many memorable oc- 
casions, and supported by the practically unanimous 
voice of American opinion, had rendered it morally 
impossible that the work should be undertaken by 
European powers, either singly or in combination. 
Such were the universally recognized conditions on 
which the legislation of the Congress was based, and 
on which the late negotiations with Colombia were 
begun and concluded. Nevertheless, when the well- 



And State Papers 747 

considered agreement was rejected by Colombia and 
the revolution on the Isthmus ensued, one of Colom- 
bia's first acts was to invoke the intervention of the 
United States ; nor does her invitation appear to have 
been confined to this Government alone. By a tele- 
gram from Mr. Beaupre, our minister at Bogota, 
of the 7th of November last, we were informed that 
General Reyes would soon leave Panama invested 
with full powers ; that he had telegraphed the Presi- 
dent of Mexico to ask the Government of the United 
States and all countries represented at the Pan- 
American Conference "to aid Colombia to preserve 
her integrity" ; and that he had requested that the 
Government of the United States should meanwhile 
"preserve the neutrality and transit of the Isthmus" 
and should "not recognize the new government." In 
another telegram from Mr. Beaupre, which was sent 
later in the day, this Government was asked whether 
it would take action "to maintain Colombian right 
and sovereignty on the Isthmus in accordance with 
article 35 [of] the treaty of 1846" in case the Co- 
lombian Government should be "entirely unable to 
suppress the secession movement there." Here was 
a direct solicitation to the United States to intervene 
for the purpose of suppressing, contrary to the treaty 
of 1846 as this Government has uniformly construed 
it, a new revolt against Colombia's authority brought 
about by her own refusal to permit the fulfilment of 
the great design for which that treaty was made. It 
was under these circumstances that the United 
States, instead of using its forces to destroy those 



748 Presidential Addresses 

who sought to make the engagements of the treaty 
a reality, recognized them as the proper custodians 
of the sovereignty of the Isthmus. 

This recognition was, in the second place, further 
justified by the highest considerations of our national 
interests and safety. In all the range of our inter- 
national relations I do not hesitate to affirm that 
there is nothing of greater or more pressing impor- 
tance than the construction of an interoceanic canal. 
Long acknowledged to be essential to our commer- 
cial development, it has become, as the result of the 
recent extension of our territorial dominion, more 
than ever essential to our national self-defence. In 
transmitting to the Senate the treaty of 1846, Presi- 
dent Polk pointed out as the principal reason for its 
ratification that the passage of the Isthmus, which it 
was designed to secure, "would relieve us from a 
long and dangerous navigation of more than 9,000 
miles around Cape Horn, and render our communi- 
cation with our own possessions on the northwest 
coast of America comparatively easy and speedy." 
The events of the past five years have given to this 
consideration an importance immeasurably greater 
than it possessed in 1846. In the light of our present 
situation, the establishment of easy and speedy com- 
munication by sea between the Atlantic and the Pa-. 
cific presents itself not simply as something to be 
desired, but as an object to be positively and prompt- 
ly attained. Reasons of convenience have been su- 
perseded by reasons of vital necessity, which do not 
admit of indefinite delays. 



And State Papers 749 

To such delays the rejection by Colombia of the 
Hay-Herran treaty directly exposed us. As proof 
of this fact I need only refer to the programme out- 
lined in the report of the majority of the Panama 
Canal Committee, read in the Colombian Senate on 
the 14th of October last. In this report, which recom- 
mended that the discussion of a law to authorize the 
government to enter upon new negotiations should 
be indefinitely postponed, it is proposed that the con- 
sideration of the subject should be deferred till Oc^ 
tober 31, 1904, when the next Colombian Congress 
should have met in ordinary session. By that time, 
as the report goes on to say, the extension of time 
granted to the New Panama Canal Company by 
treaty in 1893 would have expired, and the new 
Congress would be in a position to take up the ques- 
tion whether the company had not, in spite of further 
extensions that had been granted by legislative acts, 
forfeited all its property and rights. "When that 
time arrives," the report significantly declares, "the 
Republic, without any impediment, will be able to 
contract, and will be in more clear, more definite, 
and more advantageous possession, both legally and 
materially." The naked meaning of this report is 
that Colombia proposed to wait until, by the enforce- 
ment of a forfeiture repugnant to the ideas of justice 
which obtain in every civilized nation, the property 
and rights of the New Panama Canal Company 
could be confiscated. 

Such is the scheme to which it was proposed that 
the United States should be invited to become a 



75^> Presidential Addresses 

party. The construction of the canal was to be 
relegated to the indefinite future, while Colombia 
was, by reason of her own delay, to be placed in 
the "more advantageous" position of claiming not 
merely the compensation to be paid by the United 
States for the privilege of completing the canal, but 
also the forty millions authorized by the act of 1902 
to be paid for the property of the New Panama 
Canal Company. That the attempt to carry out 
this scheme would have brought Colombia into con- 
flict with the Government of France can not be 
doubted; nor could the United States have counted 
upon immunity from the consequences of the at- 
tempt, even apart from the indefinite delays to which 
the construction of the canal was to be subjected. 
On the first appearance of danger to Colombia, this 
Government would have been summoned to inter- 
pose, in order to give effect to the guarantees of the 
treaty of 1846; and all this in support of a plan 
which, while characterized in its first stage by the 
wanton - disregard of our own highest interests, was 
fitly to end in further injury to the citizens of a 
friendly nation, whose enormous losses in their gen- 
erous efforts to pierce the Isthmus have become a 
matter of history. 

In the third place, I confidently maintain that the 
recognition of the Republic of Panama was an act 
justified by the interests of collective civilization. 
If ever a government could be said to have received 
a mandate from civilization to effect an object the 
accomplishment of which was demanded in the in- 



And State Papers 751 

terest of mankind, the United States holds that 
position with regard to the interoceanic canal. 
Since our purpose to build the canal was definitely 
announced, there have come from all quarters as- 
surances of approval and encouragement, in which 
even Colombia herself at one time participated ; and 
to general assurances were added specific acts and 
declarations. In order that no obstacle might stand 
in our way, Great Britain renounced important 
rights under the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and agreed 
to its abrogation, receiving in return nothing but 
our honorable pledge to build the canal and protect 
it as an open highway. It was in view of this 
pledge, and of the proposed enactment by the Con- 
gress of the United States of legislation to give 
it immediate effect, that the second Pan-American 
Conference, at the City of Mexico, on January 22, 
1902, adopted the following resolution: 

The Republics assembled at the International 
Conference of Mexico applaud the purpose, of the 
United States Government to construct an inter- 
oceanic canal, and acknowledge that this work will 
not only be worthy of the greatness of the American 
people, but also in the highest sense a work of civil- 
ization, and to the greatest degree beneficial to the 
development of commerce between the American 
States and the other countries of the world. 

Among those who signed this resolution on behalf 
of their respective governments was General Reyes, 



75 2 Presidential Addresses 

the delegate of Colombia. Little could it have been 
foreseen that two years later the Colombian Govern- 
ment, led astray by false allurements of selfish ad- 
vantage, and forgetful alike of its international 
obligations and of the duties and responsibilities 
of sovereignty, would thwart the efforts of the 
United States to enter upon and complete a work 
which the nations of America, re-echoing the senti- 
ment of the nations of Europe, had pronounced to 
be not only "worthy of the greatness of the Ameri- 
can people," but also "in the highest sense a work 
of civilization." 

That our position as the mandatary of civiliza- 
tion has been by no means misconceived is shown 
by the promptitude with which the powers have, 
one after another, followed our lead in recognizing 
Panama as an independent State. Our action in 
recognizing the new republic has been followed by 
like recognition on the part of France, Germany, 
Denmark, Russia, Sweden, and Norway, Nicaragua, 
Peru, China, Cuba, Great Britain, Italy, Costa Rica, 
Japan, and Austria-Hungary. 

In view of the manifold considerations of treaty 
right and obligation, of national interest and safety, 
and of collective civilization, by which our Govern- 
ment was constrained to act, I am at a loss to com- 
prehend the attitude of those who can discern in 
the recognition of the Republic of Panama only a 
general approval of the principle of "revolution" 
by which a given government is overturned or one 
portion of a country separated from another. Only 



And State Papers 753 

the amplest justification can warrant a revolutionary 
movement of either kind. But there is no fixed rule 
which can be applied to all such movements. Each 
case must be judged on its own merits. There have 
been many revolutionary movements, many move- 
ments for the dismemberment of countries, which 
were evil, tried by any standard. But in my opinion 
no disinterested and fair-minded observer acquaint- 
ed with the circumstances can fail to feel that Pan- 
ama had the amplest justification for separation from 
Colombia under the conditions existing, and, more- 
over, that its action was in the highest degree bene- 
ficial to the interests of the entire civilized world 
by securing the immediate opportunity for the 
building of the interoceanic canal. It would be 
well for those who are pessimistic as to our action 
in peacefully recognizing the Republic of Panama, 
while we lawfully protected the transit from inva- 
sion and disturbance, to recall what has been done 
in Cuba, where we intervened even by force on gen- 
eral grounds of national interest and duty. When 
we interfered it was freely prophesied that we in- 
tended to keep Cuba and administer it for our own 
interests. The result has demonstrated in singularly 
conclusive fashion the falsity of these prophecies. 
Cuba is now an independent republic. We governed 
it in its own interests for a few years, till it was able 
to stand alone, and then started it upon its career of 
self-government and independence, granting it all 
necessary aid. We have received from Cuba a grant 
of two naval stations, so situated that they in no 



754 Presidential Addresses 

possible way menace the liberty of the island, and 
yet serve as important defences for the Cuban peo- 
ple, as well as for our own people, against possible 
foreign attack. The people of Cuba have been im- 
measurably benefited by our interference in their 
behalf, and our own gain has been great. So will 
it be with Panama. The people of the Isthmus, 
and as I firmly believe of the adjacent parts of Cen- 
tral and South America, will be greatly benefited 
by the building of the canal and the guarantee of 
peace and order along its line ; and hand in hand 
with the benefit to them will go the benefit to us and 
to mankind. By our prompt and decisive action, 
not only have our interests and those of the world 
at large been conserved, but we have forestalled 
complications which were likely to be fruitful in 
loss to ourselves, and in bloodshed and suffering to 
the people of the Isthmus. 

Instead of using our forces, as we were invited 
by Colombia to do, for the twofold purpose of de- 
feating our own rights and interests and the in- 
terests of the civilized world, and of compelling the 
submission of the people of the Isthmus to those 
whom they regarded as oppressors, we shall, as in 
duty bound, keep the transit open and prevent its 
invasion. Meanwhile, the only question now before 
us is that of the ratification of the treaty. For it 
is to be remembered that a failure to ratify the 
treaty will not undo what has been done, will not 
restore Panama to Colombia, and will not alter 
our obligation to keep the transit open across the 



And State Papers 755 

Isthmus, and to prevent any outside power from 
menacing this transit. 

It seems to have been assumed in certain quarters 
that the proposition that the obligations of article 
35 of the treaty of 1846 are to be considered as 
adhering to and following the sovereignty of the 
Isthmus, so long as that sovereignty is not absorbed 
by the United States, rests upon some novel theory. 
No assumption could be further from the fact. It 
is by no means true that a state in declaring its 
independence rids itself of all the treaty obligations 
entered into by the parent government. It is a mere 
coincidence that this question was once raised in a 
case involving the obligations of Colombia as an 
independent state under a treaty which Spain had 
made with the United States many years before 
Spanish-American independence. In that case Mr. 
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, in an in- 
struction to Mr. Anderson, our minister to Colom- 
bia, of May 17, 1823, said: 

By a treaty between the United States and Spain 
concluded at a time when Colombia was a part of 
the Spanish dominions . . . the principle that free 
ships make free goods was expressly recognized 
and established. It is asserted that by her declara- 
tion of independence Colombia has been entirely re- 
leased from all the obligations by which, as a part 
of the Spanish nation, she was bound to other na- 
tions. This principle is not tenable. To all the 
engagements of Spain with other nations, affecting 
their rights and interests, Colombia, so far as she 



756 Presidential Addresses 

was affected by them, remains bound in honor and 
in justice. The stipulation now referred to is of 
that character. 

The principle thus asserted by Mr. Adams was 
afterward sustained by an international commission 
in respect to the precise stipulation to which he re- 
ferred ; and a similar position was taken by the 
United States with regard to the binding obligation 
upon the independent State of Texas of commercial 
stipulations embodied in prior treaties between the 
United States and Mexico when Texas formed a 
part of the latter country. But in the present case 
it is unnecessary to go so far. Even if it be ad- 
mitted that prior treaties of a political and commer- 
cial complexion generally do not bind a new state 
formed by separation, it is undeniable that stipula- 
tions having a local application to the territory 
embraced in the new state continue in force and are 
binding upon the new sovereign. Thus it is on all 
hands conceded that treaties relating to boundaries 
and to rights of navigation continue in force with- 
out regard to changes in government or in sover- 
eignty. This principle obviously applies to that 
part of the treaty of 1846 which relates to the 
Isthmus of Panama. 

In conclusion let me repeat that the question 
actually before this Government is not that of the 
recognition of Panama as an independent republic. 
That is already an accomplished fact. The ques- 
tion, and the only question, is whether or not we 
shall build an Isthmian Canal. 



And State Papers 757 

I transmit herewith copies of the latest notes from 
the minister of the Republic of Panama to this Gov- 
ernment, and of certain notes which have passed 
between the special envoy of the Republic of Co- 
lombia and this Government. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

White House, 
January 4, 1904 



EXTRACTS FROM THE MESSAGES 

OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT AS 

GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 

OF NEW YORK 



MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK 
TO THE LEGISLATURE, JANUARY 2, 1899 

State of New York, Executive Chamber, 
Albany, January 2, i8pp 
To the Legislature : 

The people of New York, like the people of every 
other State in the Union, are to be congratulated, 
because during the past year the- Nation has carried 
to a brilliant triumph one of the most righteous 
wars of modern times. When last spring it became 
evident that the interests of humanity and of na- 
tional honor alike demanded that we should drive 
Spain from the Western Hemisphere and free from 
her tyranny the subject peoples of the islands of 
the sea, New York responded with eager zeal to 
the call for volunteers, and in the Cabinet, in Con- 
gress and in camp, her representatives did all they 
could to insure the success of the American 
policy. We are not merely New Yorkers. We are 
Americans; and the interests of all Americans, 
whether from the North, the South, the East or the 
great West, are equally dear to the men of the Em- 
pire State. As we grow into a mighty nation, 
(758) . 



Gubernatorial Messages 759 

which, whether it will or not, must inevitably play 
a great part for good or for evil in the affairs of 
the world at large, the people of New York wish it 
understood that they look at all questions of Ameri- 
can foreign policy from the most thoroughly na- 
tional standpoint. The tropic islands we have taken 
must neither be allowed to lapse into anarchy nor to 
return under the sway of tyranny. War is a grim 
thing at best, but the war through which we have 
passed has left us not merely memories of glory 
won on land and sea, but an even more blessed heri- 
tage, the knowledge that it was waged from the 
highest motives, for the good of others as well as 
for our own national honor. Above all, we are 
thankful that it brought home to all of us the fact 
that the country was indeed one when serious dan- 
ger confronted it. The men from the East and the 
West, from the North and the South, the sons of 
those who wore the blue and of those who wore the 
gray, the men of means and the men who all their 
lives long had possessed only what day by day they 
toiled to earn, stood shoulder to shoulder in the 
fight, met the same dangers, shared the same hard- 
ships and won the same ultimate triumph. 

In our domestic affairs, the State is to be con- 
gratulated on the gradual return of prosperity. 
Though temporarily checked by the war this return 
has been on the whole steady. The capitalist 
finds constantly greater business opportunities ; the 
wageworker, in consequence is more steadily em- 
ployed; the farmer has a better market. 



760 Gubernatorial Messages 

TAXATION 

No other question is of such permanent impor- 
tance in the domestic economy of our State as the 
question of taxation. At present our system of tax- 
ation is in utter confusion, full of injustices and of 
queer anomalies. It is an exceedingly difficult sub- 
ject, one well worthy the attention of our best men, 
the men with most highly trained minds and the 
broadest practical experience; men who are able to 
approach the subject from the standpoints alike of 
the farmer, the merchant, and the manufacturer. 
Not only is it necessary to consider whether any 
kind of tax ought, if practicable, to be levied, but 
whether it is in fact practicable to levy it. We 
should discourage the building up of non-taxable in- 
terests, and yet we should discourage driving prop- 
erty out of the State by unwise taxation, or levying 
a tax which is in effect largely a tax upon honesty. 
I most earnestly commend the whole matter to your 
special attention. 



MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK 
TO THE LEGISLATURE, MAY 22, 1899 

State of New York, Executive Chamber, 
Albany, May 22, 1899 

To the Legislature: 

I have called you together in extraordinary session 

for the purpose of considering the subject of the 

taxation of franchises. 



Gubernatorial Messages 761 

My message to the Legislature of March 27, 1899, 
ran in part as foHows : 

"At present the farmers, the market gardeners, 
and the mechanics and tradesmen having small hold- 
ings are paying an improper and excessive portion 
of the general taxes, while at the same time many of 
the efforts to remedy this state of affairs, notably in 
the direction of taxing securities, are not only un- 
wise, but inefficient, and often serve merely to put 
a premium upon dishonesty." 

"There is evident injustice in the light taxation 
of corporations. I have not the slightest sympathy 
with the outcry against corporations as such, or 
against prosperous men of business. Most of the 
great material works by which the entire country 
benefits have been due to the action of individual 
men, or of aggregates of men, who made money for 
themselves by doing that which was in the interest 
of the people as a whole. From an armor plant to 
a street railway no work which is really beneficial to 
the public can be performed to the best advantage of 
the public save by men of such business capacity that 
they will not do the work unless they themselves re- 
ceive ample reward for doing it. The effort to 
deprive them of an ample reward, merely means 
that they will turn their energies in some other 
direction; and the public will be by just so much 
the loser. Moreover, to tax corporations or men 
of means in such a way as to drive them out of the 
State works great damage to the State. To drive 

16— Vol. XIV 



762 Gubernatorial Messages 

out of a community the men of means and the men 
who take the lead in business enterprises would 
probably entail, as one of its first results, the star- 
vation of a considerable portion of the remainder 
of the population. 

"But while I freely admit all this, it yet remains 
true that a corporation which derives its powers from 
the State should pay to the State a just percentage 
of its earnings as a return for the privileges it en- 
joys. This should be especially true for the fran- 
chises bestowed upon gas companies, street railroads 
and the like. The question of the municipal owner- 
ship of these franchises can not be raised with pro- 
priety until the governments of all municipalities 
show greater wisdom and virtue than has been re- 
cently shown, for instance, in New York City; and 
the question of laying and assessing the tax for 
franchises of every kind throughout the State should 
in my opinion be determined by the State itself. I 
need not point out to you that in foreign communi- 
ties a very large percentage of the taxes comes from 
corporations which use the public domain for pipes, 
tracks and the like." 

I stated that the power of assessing the tax on 
franchises should be left with the State authorities 
— not the local authorities — because in my view this 
was desirable both for the sake of providing against 
improper favoritism of or discrimination against 
corporations by the local authorities, for the sake 
of working equity as between the franchises in dif- 
ferent localities, and finally for the sake of providing 



Gubernatorial Messages 763 

for the cases where a railroad or telephone or tele- 
graph line runs through several different communi- 
ties. 

Many representatives of corporations owning 
franchises heartily approve of having them prop- 
erly taxed ; and I am confident that, in the end, this 
will be of positive benefit to the franchise owners, 
and in no way oppressive to them, save as all taxes 
are oppressive to all owners of property. 

The line of cleavage between good and bad citizen- 
ship does not follow the line dividing the men who 
represent corporate interests from the men who do 
not ; it runs at right angles to it. We are bound to 
recognize this fact, to remember that we should 
stand for good citizenship in every form, and should 
neither yield to demagogic influence on the one 
hand, nor to improper corporate influence on the 
other. There is no intention of oppressing people 
who have put their money into franchises. We rec- 
ognize that, as in the case of all legitimate business, 
they benefit not only themselves but the community 
at large. If a franchise is worth very little, it should 
be taxed very little ; but where the franchise is of 
great value, it certainly should be heavily taxed; 
and the value is of course based upon the use of the 
city's or State's real estate. Such use of the public 
real estate should not be given without substantial 
returns ; returns not only in the way of service to the 
public, which of course a street railway or a gas 
company gives, precisely as the proprietor of a 
grocery or dry goods store gives it, but also in the 



764 Gubernatorial Messages 

way of bearing a just share of the burden of taxa- 
tion ; again, precisely as the owner of the grocery 
or dry goods store bears his share, the difference 
being that a railroad company, for instance, owes 
infinitely more than the proprietor of a big business 
establishment does, to the real estate itself. Of 
course, this value differs greatly in different places. 
Where population is dense, as in New York City, 
the real estate along which the tracks are laid on 
Broadway may be worth an immense amount for 
every lineal foot, exactly as the real estate fronting 
this portion of Broadway is worth an immense 
amount for every lineal foot. In sparsely settled 
districts, however, the value of the real estate of 
the railroad will diminish greatly, just as the value of 
the realty through which it runs diminishes. 

I am perfectly well aware that as Chief Justice 
Marshall says : "The power of taxation is the power 
of destruction." But this applies to every species of 
property. If demagogues or ignorant enthusiasts 
who are misled by demagogues could succeed in de- 
stroying wealth, they would of course simply work 
the ruin of the entire community ; and first of all, of 
the unfortunates for whom they profess to feel an 
especial interest. But the very existence of unrea- 
soning hostility to wealth should make us all the 
more careful in seeing that wealth does nothing to 
justify such hostility. We are the true friends of 
the men of means, we are the true friends of the 
lawful corporate interests which do good work for 
the community, when we insist that the man of 



Gubernatorial Messages 765 

means and the great corporation shall pay their full 
share of taxes and bear their full share of the public 
burdens. If this is done, then sooner or later will 
follow public recognition of the fact that it is done ; 
and when there is no legitimate basis for discon- 
tent, the American public is sure sooner or later to 
cease to feel discontent. 

The Legislature passed, and there is now before 
me, a bill for the taxation of franchises by treating 
them as realty. After watching the progress of this 
bill I became convinced that the opposition to it was 
less to its particular features than to the general 
principle of taxing franchises in any way; in other 
words, I became convinced that any really effective 
measure of taxation aimed at franchises would be 
vigorously opposed. It therefore became of the ut- 
most importance to secure this year some statutory 
enactment which would distinctly recognize the prin- 
ciple which we seek to establish. Toward the end 
of the session it became evident that the influences 
against the taxation of franchises would be content 
with nothing save the defeat of any measure of sub- 
stantial relief ; and a measure of less than substantial 
relief I would not accept. Finally it became evident 
that the Legislature could pass only one bill and that 
without amendment. I therefore sent in a special 
message asking for the passage of this bill. It was 
passed on the last day of the session. It represents 
a long stride in the right direction, and one from 
which there must be no retrogression. 

Nevertheless, it can be greatly bettered if amended 



766 Gubernatorial Messages 

in two important particulars. In its essential prin- 
ciple, that of taxing franchises as realty, it is right 
and proper. After much study of the question, I 
am convinced that in this way we can come nearer 
to doing justice than in any other which has as yet 
been proposed. It is no new thing to treat fran- 
chises as realty. They are so treated in Wash- 
burn's work on real property, and by Chancellor 
Kent; but under the laws of New York as they are 
now a franchise can not be taxed except by special 
statute, and as a matter of fact this extremely valu- 
able species of property is in very many, if not in 
most, cases untaxed or taxed far below its value in 
comparison with other kinds of real estate. Local 
franchises are granted for various purposes and un- 
der varying conditions ; sometimes by special statute 
and sometimes by the municipal authorities under a 
general statute. The value of the franchise of 
course varies widely in different localities, depend- 
ing upon a variety of circumstances ; but a great part 
of its value is dependent upon the same causes which 
operate to make other kinds of real estate more valu- 
able in one locality than in another. The franchise 
is inseparable from the property of the corporation 
in the street, whether this property consists of poles, 
pipes, or tracks, above the ground, under the ground, 
or on the ground. The right to lay a railroad track 
and operate a railroad in a public street can not be 
separated or dissociated from the railroad itself. 
This is equally true of the right to lay water and gas 
mains and the like. The franchise is a necessary 



Gubernatorial Messages 767 

and inevitable element of value and is a proper sub- 
ject of consideration in determining the taxable 
value of the real property of the corporation enjoy- 
ing it. The right to occupy a street should not be 
classed as an intangible something, distinct from the 
other property of the company, but should be treated 
as a necessary incident to the tangible property and 
one to be considered in measuring the value of the 
whole property. The Nichols law in Ohio which pro- 
vides for the taxation of certain kinds of corpora- 
tions such as telegraph and telephone companies and 
the like, doing business in the public streets, proceeds 
along these lines, and has in practice been found to 
work admirably. It is possible that further expe- 
rience may enable us to find some better method of 
taxing franchises, but with our present knowledge it 
is certainly wisest to tax them as realty. 

Under the bill before me the assessment will be 
levied by the local authorities. This would result 
in many cases in a dozen different sets of local au- 
thorities assessing the value of different parts of the 
same franchise. It is on every account far better 
that this assessment should be delegated to the 
State authorities who will necessarily ascertain all 
the conditions affecting the franchise and obtain 
information which will enable them to judge of 
the value of the franchise in the different localities 
in which it is exercised. The Board of State Tax 
Commissioners can collate the facts, compare con- 
ditions and determine values as a result of a wider 
range of observation and experience than can be 



768 Gubernatorial Messages 

obtained by local officers, and under them the system 
of assessment will tend to produce justice, harmony 
and uniformity. This is the system adopted under 
the Nichols law and it has worked well in practice. 
Furthermore, the bill before me fails to take ac- 
count of the fact that, in a very unequal and ir- 
regular way, many corporations do already pay a 
certain, though usually an utterly inadequate sum in 
taxes. Some pay nothing at all to the local munic- 
ipalities, but others pay sums varying from one to 
five per cent on their gross earnings. The amounts 
have been determined in the most haphazard manner 
and bear no proportion whatever to the value of the 
franchises or to their earning capacity. It is obvi- 
ously unjust, when introducing a system under 
which we believe that these franchises will for the 
first time be fully and fairly taxed according to their 
respective values, not to allow for this existing and 
inequitable taxation. Accordingly it should be pro- 
vided that from the sum assessed by the State au- 
thorities as the tax which a corporation must pay 
because of its local franchise, there shall be deducted 
the amount already annually paid by it to the 
locality for such franchise. In no other way is it 
possible to tax these corporations with uniformity 
and equity. It is contended by the advocates of the 
bill that in reaching the value of the franchise under 
the new law the amount thus paid away in taxes 
must be allowed for and deducted anyhow ; but it 
is not certain that this would be done, and in any 
event the principal should be definitely established 



Gubernatorial Messages 769 

by the law itself. There can be no possible oppo- 
sition to putting it in the law by any man who is 
anxious to tax corporations as other property is 
taxed, and who believes that this end can be attained 
by taxing them as realty. Either by taxing them 
as realty we shall tax them at their full value, or 
we shall not ; if, as we hold, the former is the case, 
it would be unjust to tax them for more than their 
full value, and this would happen were not these ex- 
isting taxes deducted. 

If it is claimed that the particular method of as- 
sessment by the State Tax Commission may be im- 
proper or unjust, provision can be made for the 
same appeal to the courts that now lies in the case 
of any assessment on other kinds of property. 

Accordingly, I recommend the enactment of a law 
which shall tax all these franchises as realty, which 
shall provide for the assessment of the tax by the 
Board of State Tax Commissioners, and which shall 
further provide that from the tax thus levied for the 
benefit of each locality there shall be deducted the 
taxes now paid by the corporation in question. 
Furthermore, as the time for assessing the largest 
and wealthiest corporations, those of New York and 
Buffalo, has passed for this year, and as it will be 
preferable not to have the small country corpora- 
tions taxed before the larger corporations of the 
cities are taxed, I suggest that the operations of the 
law be deferred until October first, of this year. 

Theodore Roosevelt. 



77° Gubernatorial Messages 



MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK 
TO THE LEGISLATURE, JANUARY 3, 1900 

State of New York, Executive Chamber, 
Albany, January j, 1900 

To the Legislature: 

It is a very genuine pleasure to congratulate the 
Legislature upon the substantial sum of achieve- 
ment in legislation and administration of the past 
year. Laws of the utmost usefulness to the com- 
munity have been enacted, and there has been a 
steady betterment throughout the year in the meth- 
ods and results of the administration of the gov- 
ernment. 

The whole problem of taxation is now, as it has 
been at almost all times and in almost all places, one 
of extreme difficulty. It has become more and more 
evident in recent years that existing methods of 
taxation, which worked well enough in a simpler 
state of society, are not adequate to secure justice 
when applied to the conditions of our complex and 
highly specialized modern industrial development. 
At present the real estate owner is certainly bearing 
an excessive proportion of the tax burden. Men 
who have made a special study of the theory of 
taxation and men who have had long experience 
in its practical application are alike in conflict among 
themselves as to the best general system. Absolute 
equality, absolute justice in matters of taxation will 



Gubernatorial Messages 771 

probably never be realized ; but we can approximate 
it much more closely than at present. The last Leg- 
islature most wisely appointed a committee to con- 
sider the feasibility of a thorough and far-reaching 
change in our tax laws ; and there is good reason to 
believe that their forthcoming report will present a 
scheme which will receive the support of substan- 
tially all classes of taxpayers, and which will be of 
such a character as to commend itself to the most 
careful consideration of your body upon broad lines. 
The law must not only be correct in the abstract ; 
it must work well in the concrete. Experience 
shows that certain classes or symbols of property 
which in theory ought to be taxed can not under 
the present practice be reached. Some kinds of 
taxes are so fertile in tempting to perjury and sharp 
dealing that they amount to taxes on honesty — the 
last quality on which we should impose a needless 
burden. Moreover, where the conditions and com- 
plexity of life vary widely as between different com- 
munities, the desirability and possibility of certain 
taxes may seem or be so different that it is hard to 
devise a common system that will work. If possible 
the State tax should be levied on classes of property, 
and in a manner which will render it collectible with 
entire fairness in all sections of the community, as 
for instance the corporation or collateral inheritance 
tax is now collected. So far as possible we should 
divorce the State and municipal taxes, so as to ren- 
der unnecessary the annual equalization of values 
between the several counties which has proved so 



772 Gubernatorial Messages 

fertile a source of friction between the city and the 
country. 

There is a constant influx into New York State 
of capital ofttimes previously incorporated under the 
laws of other States, and an increasing number of 
men of means from other parts of the country, non- 
residents of New York, come into this State to so- 
journ and to conduct and be at the head of various 
business enterprises which are drawn to New York 
as the financial centre of the whole country. This 
calls for legislation which shall provide, in a broad 
and fair spirit, for taxing foreign capital in this 
State, whether in corporate or individual form, ex- 
actly as we tax domestic capital doing business along 
the same lines. 

I call' your attention to the fact that the great 
burden of taxation is local, not State. In the large 
cities the heavy local charges are mainly due to the 
action of the local authorities themselves. For this 
the local authorities are of course responsible. But 
sometimes taxation is added to by legislative enact- 
ment. 

On certain points the failure of the tax laws has 
become so evident that it is possible to provide more 
or less complete remedies without waiting for a gen- 
eral scheme of reorganization. Again and again in 
recent years this has been recognized, and through 
legislative enactment certain species of property 
which had escaped taxation have been made to pay 
their proper share of the public burdens. The col- 
lateral inheritance tax offers a case in point. The 



Gubernatorial Messages 773 

corporation tax offers another. In all these matters 
of taxation, however, it is necessary to proceed with 
extreme caution, the path never being so simple and 
clear as the advocates of any particular measure in- 
variably believe. Every wealthy corporation that 
perpetrates or is allowed to perpetrate a wrong- helps 
to produce or inflame a condition of angry excite- 
ment against all corporations, which in its turn may 
in the end harm alike the honest and the dishonest 
agents of public service and thereby do far-reaching 
damage to the whole body politic. Much of the 
outcry against wealth, against the men who acquire 
wealth, and against the means by which it is ac- 
quired, is blind, unreasoning and unjust; but in too 
many cases it has a basis in real abuses ; and we must 
remember that every act of misconduct which af- 
fords any justification for this clamor is not only bad 
because of the wrong done but also because the justi- 
fication thus given inevitably strengthens movements 
which are in reality profoundly anti-social and anti- 
civic. Our laws should be so drawn as to protect 
and encourage corporations which do their honest 
duty by the public; and to discriminate sharply 
against those organized in a spirit of mere greed, 
or for improper speculative purposes. 

There is plenty of misconduct, plenty of selfish 
disregard of the rights of others, and especially of 
the weak. There is also plenty of honorable and 
disinterested effort to prevent such misconduct or to 
minimize its effects. Any rational attempt to pre- 
vent or counteract the evils, by legislation or other- 



774 Gubernatorial Messages 

wise, is deserving of hearty support ; but it can not 
be too deeply impressed upon us that such attempts 
can result in permanent good only in proportion as 
they are made in a sane and wholesome spirit, as far 
removed as possible from whatever is hysterical or 
revolutionary. It is infinitely better when needed 
social and civic changes can be brought about as the 
result of natural and healthy growth than when they 
come with the violent dislocation and widespread 
wreck and damage inevitably attendant upon any 
movement which is revolutionary in its nature. 

At the same time a change should never be shirked 
on the ground of its being radical, when the abuse 
has become flagrant and no other remedy appears 
possible. This was the case with the taxation of 
local franchises in this State. For years most of 
these franchises escaped paying their proper share 
of the public burdens. The last Legislature placed 
on the statute book a law requiring them to be treat- 
ed as real estate for the purposes of taxation, the tax 
to be assessed and collected by the State Assessors 
for the benefit of the localities concerned. This 
marks an immense stride in advance. Of course at 
first serious difficulties are sure to arise in enforcing 
it. The means for carrying it into effect are very 
inadequate. There may be delay before we get from 
it the substantial additions to the revenue which will 
finally accrue, and there may be disappointment to 
the enthusiasts who are so apt to hope too much from 
such legislation. But it will undoubtedly add largely 
to the public revenues as soon as it is fairly in opera- 



Gubernatorial Messages 775 

tion, and the amount thus added will increase stead- 
ily year by year. The principle which this law estab- 
lishes has come to stay. There will doubtless have 
to be additional legislation from time to time to per- 
fect the system as its shortcomings are made evident 
in actual practice. But the corporations owning 
valuable public franchises must pay their full and 
proper share of the public burdens. 

The franchise tax law is framed with the intent 
of securing exact and equal justice, no more and no 
less. It is not in any way intended as a means for 
persecuting or oppressing corporations. It is not 
intended to cut down legitimate dividends ; still less 
to cut down wages or to prevent a just return for 
the far-sighted business skill of some captain of in- 
dustry who has been able to establish a public service 
greatly to the advantage of the localities concerned, 
where before his time men of less business capacity 
had failed. But it is intended that property which 
derives its value from the grant of a privilege by 
the public, shall be taxed proportionately to the 
value of the privilege granted. In enforcing this 
law, much tact, patience, resolution and judgment 
will be needed. All these qualities the State Board 
of Tax Commissioners have thus far shown. Their 
salaries are altogether inadequate, for the new law 
has immensely increased not only their responsibili- 
ties, but their work. They should be given not only 
the needed increase for themselves, but also an ap- 
propriation for an additional number of clerks and 
experts. 



776 Gubernatorial Messages 

During the year 1899 not a single corporation has 
received at the hands of the State of New York 
one privilege of any kind, sort or description, by 
law or otherwise, to which it was not entitled, and 
which was not in the public interest; nor has cor- 
porate influence availed against any measure which 
was in the public interest. At certain times, and in 
certain places, corporations have undoubtedly ex- 
erted a corrupting- influence in political life; but in 
this State for this year it is absolutely true, as shown 
by the history of every measure that has come before 
the Legislature from the franchise tax down, that no 
corporate influence has been able to prevail against 
the interests of the public. 

It has become more and more evident of late 
years that the State will have to act in its collective 
capacity as regards certain subjects which we have 
been accustomed to treat as matters affecting the 
private citizen only, and that furthermore, it must 
exercise an increasing and more rigorous control 
over other matters which it is not desirable that it 
should directly manage. It is neither possible nor 
desirable to lay down a general hard and fast rule 
as to what this control should be in all cases. There 
is no possible reason in pure logic why a city, for 
instance, should supply its inhabitants with water, 
and allow private companies to supply them with 
gas, any more than there is why the general govern- 
ment should take charge of the delivery of letters but 
not of telegrams. On the other hand, pure logic has 
a very restricted application to actual social and civic 



Gubernatorial Messages 777 

life, and there is no possible reason- for changing 
from one system to the other simply because the 
change would make our political system in theory 
more symmetrical. Obviously it is undesirable that 
the government should do anything that private in- 
dividuals could do> with better results to the com- 
munity. Everything that tends to deaden individual 
initiative is to be avoided, and unless in a given case 
there is some very evident gain which will flow from 
State or municipal ownership, it should not be adopt- 
ed. On the other hand, when private ownership en- 
tails grave abuses, and where the work is of a kind 
that can be performed with efficiency by the State or 
municipality acting in its collective capacity, no 
theory or tradition should interfere with our mak- 
ing the change. There is grave danger in attempting 
to establish invariable rules ; indeed it may be that 
each case will have to be determined upon its own 
merits. In one instance a private corporation may 
be able to do the work best. In another the State 
or city may do it best. In yet a third, it may be 
to the advantage of everybody to give free scope to 
the power o>f some individual captain of industry. 

On one point there must be no step backward. 
There is a consensus of opinion that New York 
must own its own water supply. Any legislation 
permitting private ownership should be annulled. 

Nothing needs closer attention, nothing deserves 
to be treated with more courage, caution and sanity, 
than the relations of the State to corporate wealth, 
and indeed to vast individual wealth. For almost 



778 Gubernatorial Messages 

every gain there is a penalty, and the great strides in 
the industrial upbuilding of the country, which have 
on the whole been attended with marked benefit, 
have also been attended by no little evil. Great for- 
tunes are usually made under very complex condi- 
tions both of effort and of surrounding, and the mere 
fact of the complexity makes it difficult to deal with 
the new conditions thus created. The contrast of- 
fered in a highly specialized industrial community 
between the very rich and the very poor is exceed- 
ingly distressing, and while under normal conditions 
the acquirement of wealth by an individual is neces- 
sarily of great incidental benefit to the community 
as a whole, yet this is by no means always the case. 
In our great cities there is plainly in evidence much 
wealth contrasted with much poverty, and some of 
the wealth has been acquired, or is used, in a manner 
for which there is no moral justification. 

A profound political and social thinker has recent- 
ly written : "Wealth which is expended in multiply- 
ing and elaborating real comforts, or even in pleas- 
ures which produce enjoyment at all proportionate 
to their cost, will never excite serious indignation. 
It is the colossal waste of the means of human hap- 
piness in the most selfish and most vulgar forms of 
social advertisement and competition that gives a 
force to passions which menace the whole future of 
our civilization." But in continuance this writer 
points out that the only effectual check lies in the 
law of public opinion. Any attempt to interfere 
by statute in moral questions of this kind, by fetter- 



Gubernatorial Messages 779 

ing- the freedom of individual action, would be in- 
jurious to a degree far greater than is the evil aimed 
at. Probably the large majority of the fortunes that 
now exist in this country have been amassed, not by 
injuring mankind, but as an incident to the con- 
ferring of great benefits on the community — what- 
ever the conscious purpose of those amassing them 
may have been. . The occasional wrongs committed 
or injuries endured are on the whole far outweighed 
by the mass of good which has resulted. The true 
questions to be asked are : Has any given individ- 
ual been injured by the acquisition of wealth by any 
man? Were the rights of that individual, if they 
have been violated, insufficiently protected by law? 
If so, these rights, and all similar rights, ought to 
be guaranteed by additional legislation. The point 
to be aimed at is the protection of the individual 
against wrong, not the attempt to limit and hamper 
the acquisition and output of wealth. 

It is almost equally dangerous either to blink evils 
and refuse to acknowledge their existence or to 
strike at them in a spirit of ignorant revenge, there- 
by doing far more harm than is remedied. The 
need can be met only by careful study of conditions, 
and by action which, while taken boldly and without 
hesitation, is neither heedless nor reckless. It is well 
to remember on the one hand that the adoption of 
what is reasonable in the demands of reformers is 
the surest way to prevent the adoption of what is 
unreasonable; and on the other hand that many of 
the worst and most dangerous laws which have been 



780 Gubernatorial Messages 

put upon the statute books have been put there by- 
zealous reformers with excellent intentions. 

This problem has a hundred phases. The rela- 
tion of the capitalist and the wageworker makes one; 
the proper attitude of the State toward extreme pov- 
erty another ; the proper attitude of the State toward 
the questions of the ownership and running of so- 
called "public utilities," a third. But among all 
these phases, the one which at this time has the 
greatest prominence is the question of what are com- 
monly termed "trusts," meaning by the name those 
vast combinations of capital, usually flourishing by 
virtue of some monopolistic element, which have 
become so startlingly coinmon a feature in the in- 
dustrial revolution which has progressed so rapidly 
during recent years. 

Every new feature of this industrial revolution 
produces hardship because in its later stages it has 
been literally a revolution instead of an evolution. 
The new inventions and discoveries and the new 
methods of taking advantage of the business fa- 
cilities afforded by the extraordinary development 
of our material civilization have caused the changes 
to proceed with such marvelous rapidity, that at each 
stage some body of workers finds itself unable to 
accommodate itself to the new conditions with suf- 
ficient speed to escape hardship. In the end the ac- 
commodation of the class takes place; at times too 
late for the well-being of many individuals. The 
change which would be unaccompanied by hardship 
if it came slowly, may be fraught with severe suffer- 



Gubernatorial Messages 781 

ing if it comes too fast, even when it is in the end 
beneficial. Occasionally, moreover, the change is 
positively deleterious, and very often, even when 
it is on the whole beneficial, it has features which are 
the reverse. In some cases, while recognizing the 
evil, it is impossible with our present knowledge to 
discover any remedy. In others, a remedy can be ap- 
plied, but as yet only at a cost that would make it 
worse than the trouble itself. In yet others it is pos- 
sible, by acting with wisdom, coolness and fearless- 
ness, to apply a remedy which will wholly or in 
great part remove the evil while leaving the good be- 
hind. We do not wish to discourage enterprise. We 
do not desire to destroy corporations ; we do desire 
to put them fully at the service of the State and the 
people. 

The machinery of modern business is so vast and 
complicated that great caution must be exercised in 
introducing radical changes for fear the unforeseen 
effects may take the shape of widespread disaster. 
Moreover, much that is complained about is not 
really the abuse so much as the inevitable develop- 
ment of our modern industrial life. We have moved 
far away from the old simple days when each com- 
munity transacted almost all its work for itself and 
relied upon outsiders for but a fraction of the neces- 
saries, and for not a very large portion even of the 
luxuries, of life. Very many of the anti-trust laws 
which have made their 'appearance on the statute 
books of recent years have been almost or absolutely 
ineffective because they have blinked the all-im- 



782 Gubernatorial Messages 

portant fact that much of what they thought to do 
away with was incidental to modern industrial con- 
ditions, and could not be eliminated unless we were 
willing to turn back the wheels of modern progress 
by also eliminating the forces which had brought 
about these industrial conditions. Not only trusts, 
but the immense importance of machinery, the con- 
gestion of city life, the capacity to make large for- 
tunes by speculative enterprises, and many other 
features of modern existence could be thoroughly 
changed by doing away with steam and electricity; 
but the most ardent denouncer of trusts would hesi- 
tate to advocate so drastic a remedy. What remains 
for us to do, as practical men, is to look the condi- 
tions squarely in the face and not to permit the 
emotional side of the question, which has its proper 
place, to blind us to the fact that there are other 
sides. We must set about finding out what the real 
abuses are, with their causes, and to what extent 
remedies can be applied. 

That abuses exist, and that they are of a very 
grave character, it is worse than idle to deny. Just 
so long as in the business world unscrupulous cun- 
ning is allowed the free rein which, thanks to the 
growth of humanity during the past centuries, we 
now deny to unscrupulous physical force, then just 
so long there will be a field for the best effort of 
every honest social and civic reformer who is capa- 
ble of feeling an impulse O'f generous indignation 
and who is far-sighted enough to appreciate where 
the real danger to the country lies. The effects are 



Gubernatorial Messages 783 

bad enough when the unscrupulous individual works 
by himself. They are much worse when he works 
in conjunction with his fellows through a giant cor- 
poration or trust. Law is largely crystallized cus- 
tom, largely a mass of remedies which have been 
slowly evolved to meet the wrongs with which hu- 
manity has become thoroughly familiar. In a simple 
society only simple forms of wrong can be com- 
mitted. There is neither the ability nor the oppor- 
tunity to inflict others. A primitive people provides 
for the punishment of theft, assault and murder, be- 
cause the conditions of the existing society allow the 
development of thieves and murderers and the com- 
mission of deeds of violence ; but it does not provide 
for the punishment of forgery because there is noth- 
ing to forge, and therefore, no forgers. The gradual 
growth of humanitarian sentiment, often uncon- 
scious or but semi-conscious, combined with other 
causes, step by step emancipated the serf from bodily 
subjection to his over-lord; he was then protected in 
his freedom by statute; but when he became a fac- 
tory hand the conditions were new and there were 
no laws which prevented the use of unguarded ma- 
chinery in the factories, or the abuses of child labor, 
forced upon the conscientious employers by the un- 
scrupulous until legislation put them on an equality. 
When new evils appear there is always at first diffi- 
culty in finding the proper remedy ; and as the evils 
grow more complex, the remedies become increas- 
ingly difficult of application. There is no use what- 
ever in seeking to apply a remedy blindly; yet 



784 Gubernatorial Messages 

this is just what has been done in reference to 
trusts. 

Much of the legislation not only proposed but 
enacted against trusts is not one whit more intelli- 
gent than the mediaeval bull against the comet, and 
has not been one particle more effective. Yet there 
can and must be courageous and effective remedial 
legislation. 

To say that the present system of hap-hazard 
license and lack of supervision and regulation, is the 
best possible, is absurd. The men who endeavor to 
prevent the remedying of real abuses, not only show 
callous disregard for the suffering of others, but 
also weaken those who are anxious to prevent the 
adoption of indiscriminate would-be remedies which 
would subvert our whole industrial fabric. The 
chicanery and the dishonest, even though not tech- 
nically illegal, methods through which some great 
fortunes have been made, are scandals to our civil- 
ization. The man who by swindling or wrong- 
doing acquires great wealth for himself at the ex- 
pense of his fellow, stands as low morally as any 
predatory mediaeval nobleman and is a more dan- 
gerous member of society. Any law, and any 
method of construing the law which will enable the 
community to punish him, either by taking away his 
wealth or by imprisonment, should be welcomed. 
Of course, such laws are even more needed in deal- 
ing with great corporations or trusts than with in- 
dividuals. They are needed quite as much for the 
sake of honest corporations as for the sake of the 



Gubernatorial Messages 785 

public. The corporation that manages its affairs 
honestly has a right to demand protection against 
the dishonest corporation. We do not wish to put 
any burden on honest corporations. Neither do we 
wish to put an unnecessary burden of responsibility 
on enterprising men for acts which are immaterial ; 
they should be relieved from such burdens, but held 
to a rigid financial accountability for acts that mis- 
lead the upright investor or stockholder, or defraud 
the public. 

The first essential is knowledge of the facts, pub- 
licity. Much can be done at once by amendment of 
the corporation laws so as to provide for such pub- 
licity as will not work injustice as between business 
rivals. 

The chief abuses alleged to arise from trusts are 
probably the following: Misrepresentation or con- 
cealment regarding material facts connected with the 
organization of an enterprise; the evils connected 
with unscrupulous promotion ; overcapitalization ; 
unfair competition, resulting in the crushing out 
of competitors who themselves do not act improper- 
ly ; raising o>f prices above fair competitive rates ; the 
wielding of increased power over the wage-earners. 
Of course none of these abuses may exist in a par- 
ticular trust, but in many trusts, as well as in many 
corporations not ordinarily called trusts,, one or more 
of them are evident. Some of these evils could be 
partially remedied by a modification of our corpo- 
ration laws; here we can safely go along the lines 
of the more conservative New England States, and 

17— Vol. XIV 



786 Gubernatorial Messages 

probably not a little farther. Such laws will them- 
selves provide the needed publicity, and the needed 
circumstantiality of statement. We should know 
authoritatively whether stock represents actual value 
of plants, or whether it represents brands or good 
will ; or if not, what it does represent, if anything. 
It is desirable to know how much was actually 
bought, how much was issued free ; and to whom ; 
and, if possible, for what reason. In the first place, 
this would be invaluable in preventing harm being 
done as among the stockholders, for many of the 
grossest wrongs that are perpetrated are those of 
promoters and organizers at the expense of the 
general public who are invited to take shares in busi- 
ness organizations. In the next place, this would 
enable us to see just what the public have a right to 
expect in the way of service and taxation. There 
is no reason whatever for refusing to tax a corpora- 
tion because by its own acts it has created a burden 
of charges under which it staggers. The extrava- 
gant man who builds a needlessly large house never- 
theless pays taxes on the house; and the corporation 
which has to pay great sums of interest owing to 
juggling transactions in the issue of stocks and 
bonds has just as little right to consideration. But 
very great hardship may result to innocent pur- 
chasers ; and publicity by lessening the possibility of 
this would also serve the purpose of the State. 

Where a trust becomes a monopoly the State has 
an immediate right to interfere. Care should be 
taken not to stifle enterprise or disclose any facts 



Gubernatorial Messages 787 

of a business that are essentially private; but the 
State for the protection of the public should exercise 
the right to inspect, to examine thoroughly all the 
workings of great corporations just as is now done 
with banks ; and wherever the interests of the public 
demand it, it should publish the results of its ex- 
amination. Then, if there are inordinate profits, 
competition or public sentiment will give the public 
the benefit in lowered prices ; and if not, the power of 
taxation remains. It is therefore evident that pub- 
licity is the one sure and adequate remedy which 
we can now invoke. There may be other remedies, 
but what these others are we can only find out by 
publicity, as the result of investigation. The first 
requisite is knowledge, full and complete. 



INDEX 



INDEX 



Achievement, cost of, 92 
Adams, John Quincy, President, 
12, 87, 745 
quoted, 755 
William, Rev., 45 
Administration, qualities needed 
for, 352 
requirements for a good, 5 
Admiral of the Navy, 631 
Agencies, Indian, reduction of, 595 
Aggression by United States, no, 

624 
Agitation, ignorant, dangers of, 140 
Agitators assist their own enemies, 

54i 
Agricultural Association, New York 
State, 466 

experiment stations, 128 

prosperity, 251 

questions, 438 
Agriculture, Alaskan, 424 

competition in, 563 

Department of, 127, 249, 303, 
305, 440, 557, 559, 681, 684 

mining and, 437 

work of, 303, 304, 557 

work in, great, 557 
Aguinaldian oligarchy, 65 
Aguinaldo, Emilio, 317 
Alabama, 511, 517 
Alaska, 204, 243, 326, 328, 338, 393, 
421, 638-639, 677-678 

agriculture in, 424 

boundaries of, 664-667 

cable to, 678 

coal-land laws in, 677 

Congressional Committee in, 

639 
Delegate from, 639 
Delegate from, a, 423 
development of, 424-425, 677 
Farming lands in, 677 
fisheries in, 424, 677 
Fisheries Commission in, 678 
forests of, 638, 677 
future of, 422, 428 
gateway to, 428 
hatcheries, salmon, 678 
importance of, great, 426 
Indians in, 678 
interest in, 428 
land laws of, 638, 677 
land patents in, 678 



Alaska, laws on, 423, 638 

light-houses in, 678 

lumbering in, 424 

mineral wealth of, 677 

mines of, 424 

mining interests in, 665 

population of, future, 428 

provisional boundary of, 665 

purchase of, 422 

railroads in, 678 

resources of, 429, 638 

revenue questions in, 665 

roads and trails in, 678 

salmon .industry in, 424, 638, 
678 

settlers in, 425 

stock-raising in, 677 

transportation in, 425 

Tribunal, appropriation for, 667 
Alaskan Boundary Convention, 665 

Boundary Tribunal, 665-666 

Treaty, 1867, 664 
Albany, New York, 758, 760, 770 
Albuquerque, N. M., 368 
Alcibiades, galleys of, the, 579 
Alfalfa, cultivation of, 305 
Alleghany Mountains, 202, 243, 338, 

425. 453 

Allotment Act, General, 594 

Alma Mater, debt to one's, 458 

Alverstone, Lord, 665 

America, business position of, 540 
debt of, to soldiers, 14 
debt of, to Virginia, 453 
destiny of, 220 
for all Americans, 18 
future of, 186, 360, 471 
glorious past of, 330 
headship of, 297 
importance of, growing, 86, 268 
mercantile growth of, 393 
not aggressive, 578 
pre-eminence of, 213, 239 
prosperity conditions in, 577 
race strains in, 450 
true ideals of, 380 
united, proofs of, 19 
unity of interests in, 373 

American, the average, 157, 358, 
472 
blend of races, an, 450 
character of average, 297 
creed of the, 607 

(791) 



792 



Index 



American, duty of each, 502 

educational advantages, 406 

righting edge of, 487 

Federation of Labor, 521 

good, the, 136 

government, genius of, 430, 434 

heritage of valor, 452 

humorist, an, quoted, 496 

industries, market for, 297 

influence, growth of, 395 

Nation, founding of, 345 

no physical defect in, 510 

officer, typical, 589 

primacy, 257 

Republic, success of the, 287 

seamen, 463 

shipping, superiority of, 554 

ships, need of, 554 

spirit, 200, 487-488 

steamship line, contract with, 
656 

true, ideals of the, 409 

typical, McKinley a, 398 

typical virtues of an, 398 

Revolution, Sons of the, 36-39 
Americanism, example of, 166 

genuine, 124 

meaning of, 38 
Americans, union of, 168 
Amnesty in Philippines, 96 
Amusement, true ideal of, 453 
Anarchists, Congress and, 535 

dangerous criminals, 533 

defenders of, 530 

exclusion of, 549 

Federal Courts and, 535 

immigration of, 535 

murderers and, 534 

protected by law, 536 

suppression of, 534 
Anarchy, arguments for, foolish, 
530 

crime against humanity, 53s 

danger of, in Philippines, 569 

despotism and, 534 

encouraged by lynching, 527 

forerunner of tyranny, 524 

freedom and, 529-530 

governmental, 17 

mob violence a form of,- 523 

not social discontent, 533 

triumph of, 534 

war against, 17 
Animosity, class and sectional, 619 
Annapolis, Md., 38, 120, 412, 633 

Naval Academy at, 581 
Antagonism to industrial condi- 
tions, 538 
Anthracite on the free list, 296, 

617 
Antietam, Md., 482 

battle of, 482-488 

battlefield of, 507 
Antilles, Queen of the, 567 
Anti-Rebate Law, 280 
Anti-Trust Laws, 322, 649 



Anti-Trust Laws, actions under, 283 
appropriations for, 612, 660 
enforcements of, 282, 284, 612 
funds for enforcing, 280 
ineffective, 781, 784 
(See also Trusts, Corporations, 
Combinations, etc.) 
Antung, China, 674 
Appalachian Mountains, 255 
Appointments, Civil Service, 680 
fixed policy in, 518 
merit system in, 591, 644 
negro, defended, 516 
negro, in South, 516 
negro, fewness of, 512 
policy in making, 514, 518 
whites and negroes in, 511-512 
Appomattox, battle of, 486 
Appropriation Act (Feb. 25, 1903), 

660 
Appropriations, Anti-Trust Law, 
612, 660 

economy in, 654 
fraud, 660-662 
Arbitration, growth of, 662 

international, triumph of, 669 
International, Union, 672, 673 
international, union for, 672 
labor troubles and, 308 
peace and, 622-623 
The Hague Court of, 669 
Architecture of the White House, 

644 
Arctic Brotherhood, the, 421 
Arid lands, reclamation of, 679, 
682 
reservoirs in, 561 
surveys in, 682 
Western, 438 
Arizona, 158, 362, 369 
irrigation in, 370 
land-reclamation in, 682 
Arlington, D. C, 40, 56 
Cemetery, 40 
soldiers' monument at, 53 
Armaments, object of, 266 
Armies as fighting machines, 492 
Army, United States, the, 312, 487, 
• 5°5, 584-590, 629-631 
attacks on the, 313 
attention deserved by, 10 
camp sites for, 689 
capacity demanded in, 587 
commands in the, 629 
constructive force, a, 590 
criticisms of the, 61 
debt to, public, 588 
details in, four-year, 588 
efficiency of the, 584, 588, 689 
efforts for efficiency in, 587 
elimination in, grade, 586 
favorite subject of attack, 9 
general-staff law in, 689 
grade elimination in, 586 
increase of, not needed, 584 
legislation on the, 319, 589 



Index 



793 



Army, limits of, maximum and min- 
imum, 588 
manoeuvre work in the, 629, 

689 
marksmanship in, 630 
material in the, good, 629 
merit sole rule in the, 586 
minimum of the, 629 
officers in, senior, 629 
pay in, increased, 588 
peace, an instrument of, 590 
political influence in, 689 
preference and seniority in, 586 
promotions in, suggestions on, 

689-690 
reforms in, three prime, 588 
regular, the, 319, 320, 492 
Reorganization Act, 588 
reorganization, benefits of, 589 
senior grades in, men for, 586 
seniority promotions in, 689 
small size of the, 631-632 
source of pride, a, 10 
staff divisions in the, 588 
staff of the, general, 585 
standard of, high, 584 
traducers of the, 313 
training in the, 584, 587, 629 
units of the, 584 
volunteer, the, 492 
wrongdoers in the, 494 
Y. M. C. A. in the, 228 
(See also under Soldiers, War, 
Philippines, etc.) 

Army and Navy, the, 463 
no politics in the, 209 
pride in the, 492 
value of the, 48-49 

Arrogance, evils of, 472 

Arthur, Chester A., President, 119 

Artillery, chief of, 588 
corps of, 588 

Artificial powers, regulation of, 609 
(See also under Trusts, Cor- 
porations, etc.) 

Asia, cable to, need of, 573 
trade with, 563 

Asiatic barbarism in Philippines, 

peoples and the Filipinos, 410 
Associations, benefit of, 69 

German, debt to, 452 

good due to, 340 
Athens, Ga., postmaster of, 515 
Atlanta, Ga., surveyorship of, 515 

"Constitution," 518 
Atlantic Ocean, 338, 372, 393 

interests in, our, 97 

line, coast, 393 
Attorney - General, United States, 
279, 281, 283, 331, 612, 623, 
660, 662 

report of the, 660 
Auditor, United States, report of, 

675 , 
Augusta, Me., 124 



Aycock, Charles B., Governor, 27 
Aylcsworth, A. B., 666 

B 

Babylon, 113, 151, 170 
Baltimore, Maryland, 449 

mingling of races in, 450 

saved to the Union, 451 

Turn Verein, 451 
Bangor, Maine, 126 
Banking Law, National, 554 
Banks, circulation and the, 617 

servants of commerce, 617 

Savings, as corporations, 174 

deposits in, 608 
Barstow, California, 372 
Battleships, ccews for new, 583 

need of more, 581 

use for, good, 582 
Bayard, Thomas F., Secretary, 705 
Beaupre, Arthur M., Consul, 699, 

747 
Beef Trust, injunction against, 282- 
283 

investigation of, 283 
Beirut, Syria, troubles at, 673 
Belgium, 668, <>69 
Berkeley, California, 404 
Betterment, progressive, 466 
Blaine, James G, Secretary, 124, 622 
Blake, Homer C, Admiral, 579 
Blumenberg, General, 451 
Board of Trade, National, 225 
Body, strength in the, 30, 393 
Bogota, American Minister at, 715 
718 

Colombian gunboat, 730 

government, the,' 721 

insurrection at (1853), 700 
Bookbinders, Brotherhood of, 519 
Boston, Massachusetts, 108, 401 

United States ship, 727 
Boundaries, National, 676 
Boxer uprising in China, 10, 6oi- 

602 
Boynton, General, 165 
Brakes, locomotive, law on, 310 
Bravery expected, not praised, 463 
Breckinridge, General, 39, 505 
Bremerton, Washington. 420 
Brest, France, cable from, 626 
Bribery, corruption and, 662-664 

enormity of, 663 

extradition for, 662 

popular government and, 663 

treaties touching, 662 
Briesen, Arthur von, 657 
British Ambassador, the, 261 

Empire, sympathy in the, 605 

steamships, 656 
Brooklyn, Borough of, N. Y., 29 
Brotherhood, example of, an, 486 

civil and military, 14 

feeling of, decline in, 101 

human, cause of, 449 



794 



Index 



Brotherhood, international, 50 

lesson of, 357 

military and civil, 14 

right of, the, 491 

rule of, indispensable, 548 
Brotherhood of Bookbinders, 519 
"Brother Jonathan," a descendant 

of, 37 

Buchanan, James, President, 2 

Buffalo, New York, 597 

Bull Run, battle of, 141 

Burden-bearing, blessing of, 
need of, 498 

Burleigh, Edwin C, Governor, 124 

Burr, Aaron, 6 

Business, changing needs of, 301 
confidence, return of, 537 
corporate, aids to, 650 
cunning in, unscrupulous, 782 
danger of upsetting, 614 
delicate mechanism of, 105, 541 
disasters, wide effects of, 540 
energies, paralysis of, 614 
interests at law 477 
interests in Washington, 225 
interests, wise laws for, 541 
interstate, corporations in, 609 
interstate, regulation of, 611 
machinery of, complicated, 781 
mechanism of, delicate, 105, S4 1 
supremacy in, 539 
world, natural forces in, 538 

Butler, Nicholas Murray, 27 

Butte, Montana, 432 

Byzantium, 337 



Cabinet, 79, 503 

advisory function of, 4 

corruption rare in, 7 

how chosen, 4 

moral obliquity in, 7 
Cable, China-Philippines, 626 

Company, Commercial Pacific, 625 

French, the, 626 

lines. Oceanic, 393 

Manila-Hongkong, 626 
Cable, Pacific, 393 

Congressional power in, 626 

franchise for, 625 

laying of, 98, 626 

need of a, 573 

practicable route for, 625 

soundings for, 625 
California, 97, 372, 373, 374, 375, 
377, 383, 390, 393, 395. 397. 
399.. 401, 403, 404. 413, 426 

beauties of, 383, 404 

forest-preservation in, 385 

trees, preservation of, 385 

University of, 404 
Canal, Isthmian, 22 

Company, French Panama, 623, 

Company, new Panama, 749, 750 



Canal, Isthmian, negotiations with 
Colombia, 623 

opinion of jurists on, 718 

Panama, Act of 1902 on, 709 

Panama, treaty on, 692 

route, Panama, preferred, 693 

route settled, 716 

treaties, United States good faith 
in, 696 

United States responsibilities in, 
712 

treaty, Colombian offer on, 703- 
704 

treatv, New Granada, 693-700, 
755, 756 

treaty with Panama, 707 
Canticle, dedication, 446 
Canton, Ohio, 231 
Capacity, individual, essential, 537 
Cape Cod, cable station at, 626 
Capital, combinations of, 26 

combinations of, controlling, 610 

fair treatment for, 618 

good use of, 433 

how beneficial, 433 

organized, duty of, 619 

ranges, invested in, 438 
Capital and labor, community of, 651 

equal treatment of, 652 

foreign, taxing, in New York, 
772 

situation on, 618-619 

unity of, 475 
Capitalists, encouragement of, proper, 
610 

good done by, 651 

greater opportunities for, 759 

relations of, to workers, 780 

services of, 103, 610, 761, 762 
Capron, Allyn, 165 
Caracas, United States representa- 
tives at, 668 
"Carpet-bag" rule, 511 
Carson City, Nevada, 414 
Cartagena, United States ship, 730, 

734, 737 
Cartwright, Peter, 244 
Cass, Lewis, Secretary, 698, 710, 
711 

quoted, 694-695, 710, 711 
Cavalry horses, worn out, 631 
Cavalry, increase in, 585 
Cavalryman, ideal, the, 585 
Census Office, administration of, 599 
Chaffee, Adna, General, 67 
Chagras, outbreak at (1851), 700 
Chamber of Commerce, New York, 

196-202 
Character, defects in our, 510 

in college graduates, 29 

importance of, prime, 436 

national, and laws, 487 

national, standard of, 16 

need of, supreme, 102 

prime test for office, 515 

type of, needed, 488 



Index 



795 



Charity and love, sermon on, 355 
Charleston, South Carolina, 401, 596 

Collector of port of, 516 

colonial days in, 18 

Exposition, 18, 19, 22, 24, 25, 

596-597 
in the Revolution, 18 
outpost against Spain, 18 
port of, 510 

typical Southern city, 18 
Charlottesville, Virginia, 453 
Charybdis, Scylla and, 288 
Chattanooga, Tennessee, 104, 156 
Cheap labor in Hawaii, 566 
Chicago, Illinois, 257 
Chickmauga, 165, 166 
Child-labor, prohibition of, 307 
Children, happiness in rearing, 509 

training of, 290, 291 
Chilean trouble, the (1892), 10 
Chilkoot Pass, Alaska, 667 
China, 391, 392 

anti-foreign uprisings in, 601 
attitude toward United States, 

197, 603 
Boxer murderers punished in, 

602 
Boxer uprising in, 10 
cable connection with, 626 
commercial relations with, 674 
commercial treaty with, 673 
defences in, dismantling of, 602 
duties in, ad valorem, 603 
Emperor of, edict by, 603 
free imports in, 603 
importation of arms in, forbid- 
den, 603 
indemnities paid by, 603 
interior of, access to, 604 
joint note from, 655 
joint note to, 601 
measures against disorder in, 

602 
military expeditions in, 603 
mining enterprises in, 674 
missionaries in, rights of, 674 
"open door" in, 98, 604 
relations of, with the powers, 604 
reparations made by, 602 
situation in, present, 601-604 
tariff on imports in, 603 
trade relations with, 604 
trade with, foreign, 603 
treaties on commerce with, 603 
troubles in, settlement of, 601 
United States attitude in, 197, 

603 
United States officials in, 674 
United States plenipotentiary in, 

602 
United States soldiers in, 604 
water approaches in, 603 
China-Philippines cable, the, 6;6 
Chinese Government, the, 603, 674 

Exclusion Act, need of, 546 
Christendom, nations of, 97 



Christian associations, need of, 227 

missions, importance of, 46 
Christianity, applied, 499 

cause of, 448 

civilization and, 244 
Church, leadership in the, 501 
Churches, American, 242-243 

immigrants and the, 442 

mission of the, 449 

work before the, 52 
Cincinnati, Ohio, 169, 170, 275 
Cinnabar, Montana, 324 
Circuit Court, United States, 283 
Circulation, great size of the, 476 

and the banks, 617 
Cities, growth of, unequal, 538 
Citizen, American, duty of, 431 

birthright of the, 451 

character of average, 487 

duties of the, 495 

good, a good man, 459 

good and bad, the, 473, 763 

good, the, 473 

good essentials of the, 487 

good, qualities of the, 129 

honesty of the, 499 

qualities of the, 488, 493 

requisite of a, first, 200 

responsibilities of the, 493 

rights of the, 446 

that counts, 395 

training of the, 381 

useful, the most, 103 
Citizenship an "inestimable heritage," 
661 

best in, the, 494 

decent, 481 

duty of good, first, 109 

education for, 289 

essentials of, 135 

good, the duty of, 406 

high average of, 608 

productive, 378 

qualities of, 164 

sermon on, a, 459 

tests of, 389, 468, 486 
City and country, conditions in, 306 
Civic betterment, strife for, 30 

righteousness, need of, 499 
Civil life, brotherhood in, 14 

problems of, 138 
Civil Service, the, 686-687 

Act, observance of, 687 

appointments, 686 

Commission, 519, 521, 687 

decision, a, 519 

efficiency under, 687 

laborers and, 687 

Law, 519, 592 

rules, revision of, 686 

veterans and, 687 
Civil War, the, 9, 17, 18, 19, 21, 
32. 37. 40, 43. 55. 56, 61, 
67, 72, 119, 141-142, 165, 186, 
203, 205, 209, 211, 212, 217, 
222, 223, 230, 232, 233, 308, 



796 



Index 



Civil War, the, 310, 311, 330, 377, 

397. 433. 445. 45'. 452. 478, 
483, 486, 487, 489, 491, 492, 

505. 507. 529, 607 

abuses in the, 63 

benefits of the, 491 

difficulties of the, 489 

generals of the, 489 

heroes of the, 478 

horrors of the, 452 

importance of the, 72 

issues of the, 483, 489 

leaders of the, great, 491 

memories of the, 591 

men of the, 491, 607 

passions produced by, 529 

significance of the, 485 

soldiers of the, 445 

veterans of the, 489, 586, 590, 
686 
Civilians in the naval service, 582 
Civilization, advance of, 113 

Christianity and, 224 

complexity of, 375 

fundamental base of, 609 

penalties of 353 

problems of, 375 

weakening bonds of, 528 

worth of, the, 133 
Clark, George Rogers, 343, 454, 676, 
677 

Lewis and, memorial, 419 
Class and nation, good for, 476 
Class-antagonism foolish, 471 
Class-distinctions, harmful, 473 

wrong, 468-469 
Class-government, 468-471 
Classified service, 686 
Clay, Henry, 87, 223 
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 574, 751 
Clearing House of Information, 650 
Cleveland, Grover, President, 3, 10, 

119 
Coal, duty on, removal of, 616 
Coal-land laws in Alaska, 677 
Coal Strike Commission, 308, 322, 
332-333, 521 

benefits of, 309 
College education, meaning of, 79- 
80 

graduates, services of, 408 

men and the State, 78-84 

training, advantages of, 407 
Colleges, duty of the, 32 

preparing for service, 32 
Collegians, duty of, 382 
Collins, Patrick A., Mayor, 108 
Colombia, United States of, 260, 693, 
699. 7°S. 7'7 

attitude of, on Panama, 707 

canal negotiations with, 623 

canal treaty with, 692 

concessions to, 697 

government of, 713 

inefficiency of, in Panama, 703 

Legislature of, 717 



Colombia, United States of, sov- 
ereignty of, over canal, 714 

superseded in Panama, 694 

treaty repudiated by, 697, 713 

treaty with, 259, 697 

United States recommendations 
to, 699 

virtual war of, against United 
States, 731 
Colombian revolutions, United States 
neutral in, 695 

offer on canal treaty, 703, 716 
Colon, capture of (1901), 702 

United States control in, 708 
Colonial Dames, Society of, 53 
Colonization, Grecian, 345-346 
Colorado, 361, 362, 364 

River, Grand Canyon of, 326 
Color no bar to office, 512, 515 
Colored appointments in South, 516 
Colored men, appointments of, 511 

as office-holders, 510-514 

in offices, 510-518 

in United States offices, 511 

opportunity for, 512 

victims of lynching, 524 

population, duty of the, 525 

troops at Santiago, 446 
Columbia, District of. See District 

of Columbia 
Columbia University, 27-33 
Columbus, Christopher, 151 
Combination in restraint of trade, 

a, 282 
Combinations, abuse of, unwarranted, 
102 

against evils, 100 

benefit of, 26 

labor, 26 

necessity of, 542 

need of regulating, 26 

of capital, 26 

controlling, 610 

power of acting in, 548 

reason for, 618 

urban population and 100 
Commerce, American, development 
of, 656 

Commission, Interstate, 649 

currency and, 555 

damage to, in war, 670 

destruction of, in war, 672 

farm products in, 557 

foreign, growth of, 651 

growing, in East, 98 

in ancient times, 391-392 

Interstate, Commission, 556 

interstate, safety in, 685 

interstate, situation on, 611-612 
Commerce Law, Interstate, 545, 556 

decisions on, 279 

enforced, 660 

ineffective, 279 

strengthened, 280 
Commerce, modern means in, 152, 
170 



Index 



797 



Commerce, Monroe Doctrine and, 576 

needs of our, 617 

old methods in, 113, 151 

supervision of, 651 
Commerce and Labor, Department of, 
277, 476, 649-652 

act establishing, 545 

duties of, 620, 650 

employees of, 649 

importance of, 545 

need for, 620 

plea for, 620 

Secretary of, 277, 519, S20, 545. 
656, 658, 678 

work of, 649 
Commission, Coal Strike, 308 

Fish and Fisheries, 639 

International Exchange, 655 

Land, recommended, 638 

Land-Law, 681 

Tariff, proposed, 616 
Common school system, 591 
Common-sense, 488 

and honesty, 493 

policy, a, 271 

value of, 30 
Communication, means of, 337 
Community of welfare, 472 
Commutation Clause, Homestead 

Law, 680 
Competition, unjust and destructive, 

556 
Competitive examinations, written, 

592 
Complexity, present, of life, 101 
Comradeship of soldiers, I4> 365 
Concentration of population, 274 

of wealth, 274 
Conciliation in labor troubles, 308 
Concord bridge, 83 
Conditions, duty of facing, m 

irregularities in worldly, 101 

present, superiority of, 101 
Confederacy, the, 203 

independence of, 484 
Confederate armies, 42 

navy, 209, 223 

resolution of 1862, 63 

soldiers, 19, 20, 21 

soldiers, sons of, 512 
Confidence, business, return of, 537 
Congress, anarchists and, 535 

Continental, 152, 243, 350 

Cuban, 295 

Library of, 598 

neglect of War Department by, 9 

power of, in interstate business, 
611 

Reed's service to, 123 

Treasury report to, 555 

Washington City and, 225 
Connecticut, 37, 44 
Conscience, need of, 136 
Constitution, United States, 2, 4, 57, 
118, 141, 281, 344 

amendments to, 276, 612 



Constitution, United States, defects 

in. 544 

limits set by, 611 

operation of, 104 
"Constitution," Atlanta, the, 518 
Consular service, cost of, reduced, 

675 
official tenure in, 593 
promotions in, 593 
reorganization of, 593 

Consuls, United States, and com- 
merce, 594 
and foreign relations, 594 
high standard for, 594 

Continent, American, 606 

Continental troops, 487 

Contraband of war, 671 

Control of corporations, object of, 
610-61 1 

Convict labor, competition of, 547 

Co-operation, popular, 441 
State and national, 363 

Corporate fortunes, large, 538 
misconduct, restraint of. 653 
ownership and war problems, 672 
wealth and the State, 777 
wealth, natural causes of, 538 
wealth not due to tariff, 538 

Corporation control, lines of, 545 
laws in Massachusetts, 116 
sentiment on taxation, 763 
taxation law recommended, 769 

Corporations, 26 
bureau of, 649 
bureau of, work of, 650 
caution in handling, 539 
Commissioner of, 277 
conditions on, changed, 545 
Constitution on, United States, 

544-545 
control of, 272, 545 
creatures of the State, 103, 275, 

543 r u . 

encouragement of, by law, 773 

franchises to, 609 

friendly attitude on, 651 

growth of, 100 

harm in checking, 140 

honest 650 

honest, protection of, 785 

honest, publicity and, 610 

hostility to, improper, 610 

independent of tariff, 6.13 

inevitable development, an, 6io 

interstate control of, 543 

laws on, benefit of, 784 

national control of, 543 

national control of, necessary, 544 

national regulation of, 609 

necessity of, 102 

need of, 618 

not to be destroyed, 610 

publicity for, 476, 650, 785 

publicity for, need of, 543 

regulation of, 103, 609, 660 

situation on, 609-617 



79 8 



Index 



Corporation, State laws on, disagree 
ment of, 544 

subject to law, 543 

supervision of, 103, 649 

supervision of, extent of, 544 

taxation of, 761-769 

taxation of, difficulty in, 768 

taxation of, percentage in, 768 

taxation, share of, 765 

taxed as realty, 769 

taxes on, in foreign lands, 762 

taxing, 786 

troubles with, J47 

variety of laws on, 153 

violating the law, 280 

wide field of, 153 

wrongdoing by, 773 
Corruption, 7 

bribery and, 662-664 

enormity of, 663 

in public life, 502 

no refuge for, 662 

punishment of, 663 

rare in Cabinets, 7 

unknown with Presidents, 7 
Cortelyou, George B., Secretary, 520 
Costa Rica, Republic of, 707 
Cotton, transportation of, 283 
Cotton-growers, Southern, 364 
Cotton-growing States, 684 
Country, greatness of our, 484 

and city, conditions in, 306 

life, permanence of, 127 
Couplings, car, law on, 310 
Courage and resolution, 508 
Courage, honesty, common-sense, 488 

necessity of, 470, 500 

value of, 30 
Court of Appeals, New York, 476 
Court, Supreme, United States, 505 
Courtiers and demagogues, 472 
Cowardice and dishonesty, 494 
Crane, W. Murray, Governor, 108, 
„_ 144 

Cranks," letters from, 11 
Crawford, George, 517 
Creed of Americans, 607 

of our forefathers, 480 
Crime, apologies for, 533 

law adequate to treat, 526 
Crimes punished by lynching, 524 
Criminals, no sentimentality for, 524 

rights of, to fair trial, 526 
Crises, great, of our history, 169 
of American history, the, 57-58 
produce leaders, 232 
Crisis, need in a great, 288 
Cromer, Lord, 80 
Cromwell, Oliver, 499 
Cruelties in the Philippines, 205 
Cruelty, most destructive form of, 

61 
Cruisers, need of new, 581 
Crum, Dr. W. A., 510 
Cuba, 81, 185, 237, 294, 295, 408, 
580, 590 



Cuba, administration of, 409 

advantages of treaty to, 295 
attitude toward, 197 
before the Spanish War, 236 
benefits brought to, 89-90 
bonds to, our, 647 
commercial treaty with, 645 
constitution of, 568 
dealings with, 265 
difficulties of work in, 89, 411 
duties toward, our, 621 
faith with, 23 
financial policy of, 646 
governmental progress in, 567 
independence of, 238, 567 
interference in, United States, 
. 753 . 

liberation of, 22, 409, 621 
market in, American, 647 
Monroe Doctrine in, 576 
Piatt amendments on, 23 
progress in, rapid, 646 
protection of, 646 
reciprocal relations with, 91 
reciprocity with, 567, 647 
Reciprocity Treaty with, 621-622 
relations of, with United States, 

568, 646 
relations with, peculiar, 23, 24,646 
relations with, our, 87, 6?i 
Republic of, 23 47, 50, 54, 295 
Spanish rule in, 23 
strategic use of, 646 
United States naval stations in, 

646, 753 
United States occupation of, 48, 

238 
Wood's services to, 81, 411 
work in, our, 408 
wrongdoing in, 97 
Cuban congress, 295 
Government, 645 
market, control of the, 622 
market, greatness of, 647 
policy, critics of the, 296 
Reciprocity Treaty, 294, 296 
treaty, advantages of, 647 
war, Virginians in the, 457 
Cumberland, army of the, 40, 42 
Currency and domestic trade, 555 
Currency, honest, advantages of, 190 
integrity of the, 655 
laws, 335 

legislation, good, 477 
sound, benefit of, 477 
system, national, 476 
values, permanent, 335-336 
Customs, receipts from, 654 

D 

Da Gama, Vasco, 151 

Dalton, Mass., 144 

Danish Islands, 22 

Danville, Va., 107 

Dead, great, respect for the, 490 



Index 



799 



Deal, square, for all, 481 

Debtor, poor, former hard lot of, 

502 
Decency, cause of, 497 

spirit of, how applied, 482 

strength and, 461 
Declaration of Independence, 243, 

349, 627 
Dedication canticle, 446 
Deeds and words, homage in, 491 
Deficit, how to avoid, 555 
Delivery, rural free, 600 

benefits of, to farmers, 635 

increased, 635 

land values and, 635 
Demagogic influence, 763 
Demagogues, 9 

courtiers and, 472 

danger of, 25, 175 

evil influence of, 533 

reckless talk of, 533 
Democratic office-holders, 517 
Democrats, Gold, 512 
Denver, Col., 361 
Depression, periods of, 606 
Deroux, Sefior, speech of, 723 
Desert-land law, 636, 080 
Desert reclaimed in Utah, 436 
Despotic monarchies, independence 

of, 65 
Despotism," "Gloomy Night of, 534 
Despotism and republics, 257 
Details, four-year, in Army, 588 
Detroit, Mich., 185 
Development, industrial, recent, 100 

material, conditions of, 539 
Dewey, George, Admiral, 401, 402, 

465 
fame of, 465 
ships under, 402 
Disaster, national, sure road to, 

584 

prophets of, false, 217 
Disappointment of office-seekers, 11 
Discontent, aimless, 533 

righteous, 500 
Discrimination, railroad, laws on, 
322 

un-American, 273 
Dishonesty and cowardice, 494 
Dissatisfaction, causes for, 9 
District of Columbia, 511, 642 

charities in, 688-689 

classified service in, 592 

commissioners of, 688 

factory law in, 547 

merit system in, 644 
Disunion, spirit of, 17 
Divisions, staff, in the Army, 588 
Dixie, United States ship, 727, 734 
Doane, William C, Bishop, 495 
Domination, equal, of law, 481 
Door," "Open, in China, 98 
Douglas, Stephen A., 505 
Doves and serpents, 496 
Duke, Basil, 517 



Duncan, James, 522 

Dutch Reformed Church, 44, 447, 

S05 
Dues, "liken" and transit, in China, 

674 
Durbin, Winfield T., Governor, 523- 

528 
Duties, Christian, 495 

common, importance of, 412 

earnest performance of, 412 

Everyday, 493 

home, vital, 493 

importance of common, 55 

life, 493 

national and personal, 86 

national, urgency of, 408 

tariff, unnecessary, 552 

to family and friends, 498 
Duty, aim of life, the, 478 

ideal of, 16 

imperative to, 31-32 

infractions of, 59-60 

national, our, 269 

of the present, 43 

responsibility of, 498 

service and, 447 
Duque, B. G., quoted, 721 



E 



East, growing commerce with the, 

Economic conditions, complaints on, 
214 
conditions, facing, 1 1 1 
evils, civilization and, 100 
evils, treatment of, 10 1 
evils, wisdom needed in, 100 
forces in our affairs, 608 
policy, stability in, 99, 193. 55°. 

613, 616 
problems, 85-86 
questions, 25 
system, stability of, 302 
Economy in expenditures, 555 
Education, American, meaning of, 

405 . . 
false ideals of, 290 

importance of, 368 

private benefaction in, 405 

responsibilities of, 407 

twofold, 289 

twofold work in, 293 

Educational body, significance of 
an, 287 

Edward VII., King, 78 

Edwards, Harry Stillwell, 516 

Efficiency and honesty, public, 488 

Efficiency in Army, efforts for, 587 

Egean Sea, the, 391 

Egypt, 374 

war in, 80 

Egyptians, the, 384 

Ehrman, Consul, 698 

Eight-hour law, enforcement of, 547 



8oo 



Index 



Electricity, "Centrifugal effect" of, 
339 

factor in civilization, a, 170 

steam and, 339 
Elimination, process of, in Army, 

586 
Eliot, Charles W., 78 
Elk, senseless slaughter of, 636 
Employer's Liability Act, 643 
Energy and prosperity, 99 
England, 78, 260, 365 

Lord Chief-Justice of, 666 

Prime Minister of, 2 

Sovereign of, 1 
Enterprise, individual, benefits of, 
539 

successful, benefits of, 538-539 
Enjoyment, benefits of, 452 

capacity for, 452 
Envy, evils of, 103, 173, 472 

excited at prosperity, 98 

foolishness of, 434 

meanest form of admiration, 407 

spirit of, 99 
Euphrates, the, 391 

valley of the, 384 
Everett, Edward, quoted, 704 
Everett, Washington, 426 
Evil, forces of, 226 

warfare against, 496 
Evils, appearance of, 783 

combinations against, 100 

dealing with, wise. 608 

economic, and civilization, 100 

economic, treatment of, 101 

social and economic, 99 
Evolution vs. revolution, 148, 172, 

611, 653, 780 
Examinations, written competitive, 

592 
Example, force of, 461 
Exchange, International, Commis- 
sion, 655 
Executive action and economic 

evils, 1 01 
Expansion, critics of, 347, 422 

destiny of United States, 422 

first step in, our, 344, 676 

greatest instance of, 596 

immense, our, 393 

national, 51 

Roman, 346, 396 
Expansionist, reasons for being, 

390-391 
Expansions, United States territo- 
rial, 454 
Expenditures, dissatisfaction at, 8 

economy in, 555, 655 

management of, 7 

national policy on, 555 

purposes of, 8 

revenue and, equal, 654 
Export trade, great growth of, 647 

with Cuba, 552 
Extradition for bribery, 662 

treaty with Mexico, 662 



Factory laws, wise, 307 
Faith and works, 448 
Family, the, and the Nation, 493 
Fargo, North Dakota, 310 
Farmer, American, education of the, 
305 

Government help for the, 305 

qualities of the, 128, 306. 466 
Farmers, aid to, scientific, 641 

standard of living of, 467 

wage-workers and, 466-467 

welfare of, important, 641 
Farm life and rural free delivery, 676 

plants and cereals, new, 641 

products, 303-304 

in commerce, 557 
Farm-owners, prosperity of, 608 
Farming, advances in, 127 

as an applied science, 128 

lands in Alaska, 677 
Farms, wealth invested in, 467 
Farragut, David G., Admiral, 37, 

203, 223, 230, 465 
Federal Courts and anarchists, 53s 

Government, 141 

grand jury, New York, 660 

interference instance of, 416 

Library, 598 

office-holders, 515-517 

service departments, 3 

service, high standard of, 518 
Federal Salt Company, case against, 

284 
Federation and combination, era of, 

652 
Federation of Labor, American, 521 
Federations of capital and labor, 618 
Federations, reason for, 618 
Fellowship, human, 355 
Fighting and talking, 269 

edge of Americans, 487 

ship, use of a, 672 
Filipino insurrectos, 571 

ladrones, 571 

insurrection condemned, 318 

officials in Philippines, 95 
Filipinos, advances among the, 96 

beneficent government of, 96 

Constitutional rights for, 207 

co-operation of, 629 

cruel wrong to the, 312 

disadvantages to, some, 569 

duty to the, our, 312 

insurrection of the, 217 

legislation favorable to, 315 

measures used with, 571 

officials among the, 314 

prosperity of the, 218 

rights of, 627 

self-government for, 207 

training of the, 679 

treatment of, 60-62 

unfit for independence, 204 

war methods of the, 62 



Index 



801 



Filipinos, welfare of the, 314 
Financial integrity preserved, 236 

laws, suggestions on, 617 

policy of Cuba, 646 

situation, needs of, 655 

system, reconstruction of, 617 
Finland, 677 
Fire claims, Hawaiian, 623 

protection in forest reserves, 560 
Fish and Fisheries, Commission of, 

424, 639 
Fish, Hamilton, Secretary, 705 
Fisheries Commission, Alaskan, 678 
Fisheries of Alaska, 424, 677 
Fitchburg, Massachusetts, 137 
Flag, American, 21, 22, 36, 37, 42, 
49, 59. 93. 94. 167, 205, 222, 
230, 454, 464, 488, 495. 571. 
572, 577. 588, 591 

duties to the, 22 
Flanders, Republic of, 471 
Floods, prevention cf, 251 
Fools, virtuous, harmful, 290 
Forage crops, new, introducing, 641 
Foreigners and the patent laws, 684 
Foreign nations, our trade with, 552 

powers, friendship of, 270 
Forest policy, United States, 249, 

256 
Forest preservation and land-reclama- 
tion, 683 

duty of, 390 

importance of, 441 

need of, 327 

object of, 387 

scientific, 636 
Forest problem, the, 251 
Forest protection in Alaska, 638 

not an end in itself, 558 

wise policy of, 558 
Forest reserves, additions to the, 558 

as recreation camps, 560 

as game preserves, 560 

fire protection in, 560 

for popular use, 560 

injured by grazing, 560 

lands for, 559 

object of, 441 

policy on, 440 

situation on, 557-562 

usefulness of, 558 
Forest resources, need of preserving, 

683 
Foresters, Society of American, 249 
Forestry, 426 

aim of, 251 

and lumbering, 253 

and mining, 252 

and water supply, 426 

benefits of, 384 

Bureau of, 559, 681, 684 

practical, advance of, 559 

progress in, 683 

question of, 438 

training in, need of, 254 

work, division of, 684 



Forestry work, Government, 683 
Forests, Alaskan, 677 

depletion of, 253 

fire protection in, 683 

Government and the, 250 

injury to, by grazing, 439 

natural reservoirs, 561 

preservation of, necessary, 558 

preservation _ of the, 305, 371 

preserving, importance of, 250 

public sentiment on, 558 

rapid growth of, 427 

value of, realized, 558 

water supply and, 327, 418, 444, 
559, 561 
Forethought and preparation, need 

of, 580 
Fort Leavenworth, school at, 689 

Riley, War School at, 689 
Fortune, good and bad, 98 

success wrested from, 607 
Fortunes, great, benefit of, 608 

great, making of, 608 

growth of corporate, 100 
Founders of the Republic, spirit of, 

396 
France, 342, 668, 669 

President of, 1 
Franchises, corporate, 609 

in the Philippines, 572 

perpetual, evil of, 565 

realty, treated as, 765 

taxation of, 760-769 

value of some great, 764 

valu of, varying, 766-767 
Franchis taxation, bill on, 765-768 

great advance in, 774 

State right of, 762 
Franchise Tax Law, 476 

New York, object of, 775 
Frankel, Lee K., 657 
Franklin, Benjamin, 57 
Frauds, appropriations on, 660-662 
Frederick, Empress Dowager, 605 
Freedom, 483 

anarchy and, 529 

and greatness combined, 287 

has no discriminations, 528 
Free government, requirements for, 

488 
Free list, anthracite on the, 296, 617 
Freeport, Illinois, 444 
Free trade, effects of, 180 
Freight rates, discriminations in, 278 
French cable lines, 626 

Panama Canal Company, 623, 
711 
Friendship of foreign powers, 270 
Fundamentals, Cromwell's, 499 
Future, confidence in the, 423 

facing the, 607 



Gamaliel, 29, 442 
Gambling, danger of, 537 



802 



Index 



Game preserves, grazing and, 560 

preserves, national, 636 

protection, legislation for, 636 
Gardiner, Montana, 324 
Garfield, assassination of, 529 
Ccmuthlichkeit, capacity for, 452 
General Allotment Act, the, 594 
General Staff Law, 319 
Generals, Civil War, 489 

types of, 489 
Generations, allotted tasks of, 502 
Genius and all-around development, 

288 
Genoa, Italy, 151, 391 
Geological Survey, United States, 

559, 681 
Georgia, 18, 164, 515, 516 

appointments in, 517 

Federal officers in, 517 
German Ambassador, the, 261 

-American citizens, 507 

associations, debt to, 452 

element, the, 506 

Emperor, 262, 263 

government, the, 262 

immigration, 507 

Reformed Church, 447 

societies, 506-508 

steamships, 656 

strains, importance of, 506 
Germany, 260, 365, 667, 669 

Empress Dowager of, 605 

first immigrants from, 450 
Glacier Creek, Alaska, 667 
Glory, ideal of, 16 
God, fatherhood of, 449 

service of, 447, 495. 497 
Gold Democrats, 512 
Gold standard, the, 476 

advantages of the, 554 

assured, 215 

established, 554 

vindicated, 236 
Gompers, Samuel, 521, 522 
Good, forces of, 226 
Good roads, advantages of, 676 

Convention, International, 336 

question of, 305 
Government, administration of, 26 

American, genius of, 430, 434 

and its employees, the, 522 

and the people, 494 

bonds, price of our, 554 

by the mob, 470 

by the people, 663 

Chinese, the, 603, 674 

class, 470 

Constitutional powers of, 620 

difficulties under our, 104 

employees, standard of, 546 

for all men, 434 

free, 469 

functions, how separated, 2 

good, conditions of, 620 

industries, reforms in, 547 

National, the, 118, 309, 319, 493 



Government, nature of, 145 

needed changes in, 15J 

of liberty, a, 474 

popular, and bribery, 663 

printing, limiting, 643 

printing office, 518, 520 

publications, useless, 643 

receipts of the, 654 

self, art of, 224 

stability of the, 468 

successful, 493 

United States, the, 671 

what the, can do, 443 

what the, can not do, 145-146 

what to expect of, 145 
Governmental unit, the real, 109 
Governors and State treasuries, 8 
Graduate, college, prime quality in 

the, 29 
Grain-raising communities, 335 
Grand Army of the Republic, 14, 
377, 482, 484 

debt to the, 485 

principles of the, 16 
Grand Canyon, Arizona, 369 

jury, Federal, on frauds, 660 
Grant, Ulysses S., President, 18, 19, 
137, 142, 166, 230, 232, 289, 
329. 331. 399, 446, 452, 487, 
489, 492 

and the French cable, 626 

messages of (1875, 1879), 626 

soldiers of, 58, 487 
Grass crop, the, 384 

on ranges, the, 438 
Grazing, forest reserves and, 558, 
560 

industry, importance of the, 366 

injuries of, to game preserves, 
560 

injuries of, to forests, 439 

injuries of, to water supply, 560 

lands, large holdings in, 680 

lands, question of using, 637 
Great Britain, 78, 259, 667, 669 

and Alaska, 664 

canal negotiations with, 574 

convention with, 622 

friendliness with, 574 
Greatness and freedom combined, 

287 

essentials of, 350, 354 

lesson of true, 492 

of the Nation's destiny, 422 

penalty of, 220 

virtues of, 492 
Great Northern Railroad, 281 
Grecian colonization, 345-346 
Greece, 151, 345 

ancient, republics of, 471 
Greed, cunning and violent, 307 
Greek," "The Americanized, 379 
Greeks, ancient, 406 
Greene, Francis V., 484 
Growth of good and evil, 608 
Guard, National, 319 



Ind 



ex 



803 



Guard, National, training for the, 589 
Gulf of Mexico, 202, 243, 257, 304, 

35i 
Gun practice in the Navy, 631 
Guns, men behind the, 464 

H 

Hague, The, Court of Arbitration, 
264, 623, 669, 670, 673 

Arbitration Union and, 673 

Mexico and, 623 

Peace Conference, 575 

United States and, 623 
Hamilcar, galleys of, 579 
Hamilton, Alexander, 57 

College, 80 
Hancock, W. S., 489 
Hanson, Major, 516 
Happiness and usefulness, 478 

and work, 356 
Harlan, John M., Justice, 221, 505 
Harmlessness not a great quality, 496 
Harrison, Benjamin, President, 10, 

119 
Hartford, Connecticut, 85 

frigate, 465 
Harvard men, services of, 78-79 

University, 78 
Hatred, class and sectional, 334 
Haverhill, Massachusetts, 118 
Hawaii, 393 

American community in, 566 

an American Territory, 566 

cable to, need of a, 573 

cheap labor in, 566 

large estates in, 566 

legislation needed in, 566 

light-houses in, 678 

situation in, 566-567 
Hawaiian cable, 625-627 

fire claims, 623 
Hay, John, Secretary, 79, 261, 263, 

503. 504 
Hay-Herran Treaty, the, 709, 712, 

714. 715. 746, 
-Pauncefote Treaty, the, 87, 259, 

712. 7i4 
Help, grudging, 497 

to self-help, 549 

true kind of, the, 130 
Helpfulness, value of, 146 
Henderson, D. B., Speaker, 40 
Herbert, Sir Michael, 263 
Herkimer, Nicholas, General, 507, 
Heroic qualities, need of, 68 
Heroism and common duties, 412 

nature of, 54 
Herrera, Benjamin, General, 720 
Historic associations, charm of, 455 
History, great examples in, 408 

great crises of our, 119 
Hitt, Robert R., Congressman, 444 
Hoar, George F., Senator, 79 
Holidays, significance of, 57 
Holleben, Baron von, 261 



Holy Name Society, 458-462 

work of, 459 
Homage in deeds and words, 491 
Home-builders, public lands and, 680 
Home life, highest joys of, 509 
Home-making, importance of, 436 

national upbuilding, 563 
Homes, creation of, 441 
Homestead Law, the, 567 

and prosperity, 637 

commutation clause, 636, 680 
Homestead laws, good from, 389 
Homesteads and ranges, 439 
Honesty, common-sense, 138 

common-sense and, 493 

courage, common-sense, and, 488 

efficiency and public, 488 

importance of, 499-500 

militant, 500 
Honor, deserving, those, 479 

National and personal, 396 

rugged ways to, 395 
Honor roll of our fathers. 492 

of the Nation, 479 
Horses, cavalry, worn-out, 631 

in the arid region, 438 
Household affairs, importance of. 648 
Households, National and private, 

648 
Houston, Samuel, General, 203 
Howell, Clark, 514-518 
Hubbard, John, Commander, 724, 

734 

letters from, 731-740 

services of. 740-744 
Humbert, King, assassination of, 535 
Humorist, an American, 496 
Humphrey, C. B., Captain, 724 
Hynes, Thomas W., 657 

I 

Idaho, 1 13, 324, 326, 327 
Ideal, devotion to an, 230 

striving for the, 478 
Ideals for labor and capital, 619 
Idler, no room for the, 478 
Idlers useless in life, 356 
Illinois, 113, 223, 335, 343, 444, 
446 

region, the, 343 
Immigrants, anarchistic, exclusion 

of, 549 
churches, the. and, 447 
distribution of, 657 
duty to, our, 448 
educational test for, 549 
good, need of, 549 
immoral, exclusion of, 549 
industrial test for, 550 
need of caringfor, 448 
Immigration, committee on, 657 
contract-labor, 546 
German, 507 
Law, 618 
laws, defects in, 549 



804 



Index 



Immigration, limiting, 657 

recommendations on, 658 

report on, 658 

service, New York, 657 
Importance, new, of United States, 

268 
Impossible, insistence on the, 611 
Independence, cause of, 507 

Day, 57, 96, 288, 380, 627 

Declaration of, 243, 349, 627 

desire for, 508 

ideal of, true, 65 

struggle for, 18 
Indiana, 343 
Indian absorption, first step in, 640 

agencies, reduction of, 595 

agents, bonded superintendents 
as, 684 

agents, ex-Army officers as, 684 

agents, non-partisan, 684 

allotments, leasing of, 594 

question, the, 594-596 

schools, work in, 639 
Indian Territory, education in, 639, 
685 

illiteracy in, 685 

mixing races in, 639 
Indian tribal funds, 594 

tribal lands, 594 

tribes, civilization of, 639 

wars, 571 
Indianola, 516 
Indians, absorption of the, 639 

agriculture among, 595 

Alaskan, 678 

aptitude of, natural, 640 

as citizens, 594 

dealings with the, 639-641 

difficulties in dealing with, 640 

education of, higher, 595 

equality for, 369 

hostile, in United States, 571 

industrial education for, 595 

industries among, 639, 640 

in the Spanish War, 371 

liquor traffic and the, 595 

marriage laws of, 595 

progress of, 368-369 

progress of the, slow, 639 

ration system for, 595 

recognition of the, 594 

reservation system for, 595 

schools for, 595 

stock-raising by, 595 

teaching English to, 640 
Indifference, Government, 306 
Individual and Nation compared, 
291 

energy, need of, 609 

initiative, 26 

the, and the State, 107 
Individual merit, standard of, 620 
Industrial centres, upbuilding of, 

538 
Industrial conditions, 198, 435 

antagonism to, 538 



Industrial conditions, complaints on, 
214 

present, 351 
Industrial convulsions, 10 

abuses, 783 

changes, recent, 274, 538 

development, 100, 339, 537, 608 

enterprises in Philippines, 572 

expositions, 18, 19, 22, 24, 25 

growth, 219 

growth, use of, 359 

laws, State and Federal, 548 

peace, 198 

problems, 143, 159, 274, 302, 

332, 778-784 

prosperity, 22, 147 

prosperity, period of, 24 

remedies, applying, 781 

remedies, impossible, 541 

solutions, 148-149, 175 

system, present, 159 

world, leadership in the, 611 
Industrialism, modern, conditions 

of, 610 
Industries, American, market for, 
297 

home, and reciprocity, 551 

needs of our, 617 
Industry, captains of, 539 

leaders of, 298 
Inequalities in worldly condition, 

101 
Influence, increasing, our, 393 

political, in offices, 586 
Influences, good and evil, 52 
Information, clearing house of, 650 
Inheritance, great, our, 480 
Iniquity and high words, 449 
Injunction, perpetual, a, 283 
Inspection, Naval Board of, 692 
Institutions of learning, 293 
Instruction in the Navy, 582 

progressive, in the Navy, 583 
Insular possessions and politics, 593 

our, 679 
Insular possessions, duties to our, 

759 
Insurrectos, Filipino, 571 
Interest, community of, 468 

rates, equalization of, 617 
Interference, benefits of our, 754 

Federal, instance of, 416 

Government, 306 

invoking, time for, 307 
Interior, Department of the, 249 

Secretary of the, 416, 682 
International attitude, normal, 197 
Interstate business, corporations in, 
609 

regulation of, 611 
Interstate commerce, 649 

control of, 310 

safety in, 685 

Commission, 556, 649 
Interstate Commerce Law, 545, 546, 
556 



Ind 



ex 



805 



Interstate Commerce Law, amend- 
ments for, 556 
decisions, 279 
defects of, 556 
enforced, 660 
illegal practices under, 556 
strengthened, 280 
violations of, 556 
wisdom of, 556 
Iowa, 223, 335 
Ireland, 365 

Irrigation Act, the, 303, 361, 362, 
3/0, 415 
applying, 371 

arid land (Western), 636 
benefits of, 387 
defective laws on, 564 
development and the States, 

561 
development by, 367 
effects of, 370 

experience in, beneficent, 566 
Federal aid of, 562 
forest reserves and, 558 
good beginnings in, 636 
land reclamation and, 682-684 
Irrigation Law, care in enforcing, 
443 
importance of, 442 
National, 680 
Irrigation, mining and, 563 

National aid in, demanded, 565 
Nationally aided, 636 
policy in, 418 
private capital in, 564 
question of, 441 
reservoirs as public works, 562 
reservoirs in Utah, 444 
reservoirs, United States, con- 
trol of, 561 
saving waters for, 559 
situation on, 562-566 
State laws and, 682 
Utah, 442-443 
work of, 367, 415-416 
works, control of, 443 
works, ownership of, 363, 564 
Isthmian Canal, 22, 87, 125, 258-260, 
264, 393, 426, 577 
benefits of, 573, 624 
building, work of, 91 
control of, 704 
demand for, 577 
feat, a great, 624 
importance of, 91, 573, 696 
Navy and the, 632 
negotiations on, 574 
neutrality of, 705 
old project, an, 696 
Panama, at, 623 
policy in building, 624 
question settled, 693 
rights in, our, 694 
situation on, 573-574, 623-624 
treaties on the, 574, 693-700 
United States attitude on, 711 



Isthmus transit trade, protection of, 

, , 695 

Italy, 260, 337, 535, 668, 669, 705 

republics of, 471 

J 

Jackson, Andrew, President, 2, 13, 
203, 232 

Japan, 410 

Japanese Government, the, 627 

Jay, John, Secretary, 343, 391, 392 

Jefferson, Thomas, President, 13, 
232, 419, 454, 455 
statesmanship of, 419 

Jenkins, Micah, 20, 165 

Jeshurun, days of, 99 

Jette, Louis Amable, Sir, 666 

Johnson, Walter, 516 

Jones, Judge, of Alabama, 517 

Jordan, David Starr, 377, 380 

Judas-like infamy, 531 

Justice, bar of, 494 

delayed, evils of, 526 
Department of, 612, 660 
National policy of, 396 
speedy, vs. lynching, 525 

Just man armed, the, 578 



K 

Kansas, 353 

Kearsarge, battleship, 459, 463-464 

Kent, James, Chancellor, 766 

Kentucky, 3y, 166, 222, 223, 506, 
S08, 517 

founding of, 453 
loyalty of, 222 

Kitchener, Lord, 80 

Knox, Philander C, Attorney-Gen- 
eral, 117, 219, 281, 331 

Korea, 674 



La Abra award against Mexico, 605 
Labor, American Federation of, 521 

and capital, common ground of, 
.651 

situation on, 618-619 

cheap, influx of, 550 

in Hawaii, 566 

combinations of, 26 

convict, competition of, 547 

cost here and abroad, 615 

fair treatment for, 618 

harmed by violence, 475 

interference with, no, 521 

laws, model, 309 

legislation, 321 

organized, duty of, 619 

problems, 332 

protected by the tariff, 546 

unions, 520-521 

unions, great importance of, 652 



8o6 



Index 



Laborers and the Civil Service, 687 

contract, importation of, 546 
Ladrones, Filipino, 94, 207, 571 
Land, arid, fund for reclaiming, 679 

commission recommended, 638 

frauds, public, 661 
Land Law Commission, 681 

revision in the West, 680 
Land laws, Alaskan, 638, 677 

changes in, 68 1 

defects in, 389 

effect of. 680-681 

misuse of, 388 

operation of, 680-681 

perversion of, 636 

public disagreements on, 681 

State and National, 562 
Land office, general, 558, 681 

receipts of, 679 
Land policy, clear government, a, 

563 
in Hawaii, 567 
United States, 441 
Land, President's power on public, 

559 

Land-reclamation and forests, 638 
and irrigation, 682-684 
conduct of, 683 

Lands, arid, reclamation of, 682 
arid, surveys in, 682 
farming, in Alaska, 677 
grazing, large holdings in, 680 
Indian tribal, 594 
public, Alaskan, 677 
extent of, 415 
fences on, 637, 680 
laws on, 661 
proceeds from, 682 
settlement in, retarded, 680 
timber, large holdings in, 680 

Lansdowne, Marquis of, 263 

Law, administration of, proper, 433 
advantages of enforcing, 112 
asks no permissions, 474 
caution in executing, 443 
critics of the, 431 
development of, 783 
enforcement of, 26 
equal domination of, 481 
franchise tax, 476 
majesty of, vindicated, 523 
might of the, 536 
obedience to, 474 
obedience to a right, 653 
obedience to, liberty and, 528 
orderly liberty under, 523 
work of, in securing fairness, 335 

Laws, adjustable, need for, 99 
ambiguity in, 117 
anti-trust, 117 
corporation, in Mass., 116 
existing, enforcement of, 107 
fair, beneficial to all, 476 
fearless administration of, 323 
fixity of, undesirable, 99 
for political effect, 115 



Laws, impartiality of, 522 

interstate commerce, needed, 611 

limitations of, 99 

and national character, 487 

inclusive, necessary, 114 

old, insufficiency of, 538 

perversion of, 636 

good, significance of, 487 

wise, benefit of, 99 
Leaders born on occasion, 232 

great American, 232 

great, qualities of, 493 

in peace and war, 289 
Learning, institutions of, 293 
Lee, Robert E., General, 19, 166, 483 
Legal procedure, needs in, 525 
Legislation, additional, needed, 118 

Army, need of new, 589 

betterment by, 330 

currency, good, 477 

equal opportunity by, 323 

limits of, 213, 323, 331 

nature of good, 323 

revolutionary, bad, 477 

unwise, effect of, 606 
Legislative action and economic evils, 

101 
Legislature, the, symbol of free gov- 
ernment, 287 
Leisler, Jacob, 506 
Leland Stanford, Jr., University, 377 
Lesson of great lives, 492 
Letters, personal, 508-528 

to President, 11 
Levees on Mississippi River, 154 
Lewis and Clark, 454 

centennial of, 677 

memorial to, 419 
Lewis, Meriwether, 676, 677 
Liberty, civil, in Philippines, 96 

crimes in name of, 449 

despotism and, 469 

devotion to, 213 

guaranteed to all, 653 

in deed, not word, 469 

loss of, 471 

love for, 15 

obedience to law and, 528 

order and, 488 

orderly, 17, 523 

orderly, in United States, 288 

orderly, under law, 523 

seeming, 470 

spirit of, 41 

strength and, in United States, 
288 

through law, 433 

unfitness for, 470 

union and, cause of, 507 
Libraries, public, 598-599 

in United States, 598 

work of, 598 
Library, Federal, 598 

movement, the public, 598 

of Congress, 598 

work of, 599 



Index 



807 



Library, resources of, 599 
Life, aim of, duty the, 478 

American distinctions in. 486 

complexity of, present, 101 

duties of, 493 

duty the aim of, 478 

essentials of a true, 508-509 

of hard work, 459 

old conditions of, 100-101 

-saving service, the 685 

seeing, 460 

work, readiness for, 497 

worthiness of, 493 

worth living, the, 459 

worthy sort of, 459 
Light-houses in Alaska, 678 

in Hawaii, 678 
"Liken" dues in China, 674 
Lincoln, Abraham, President, 11, 15. 
18, 39. 57, 61, 63, 137, 211, 230, 
232, 288, 290, 329, 331, 398. 
399, 445. 451, 452. 470. 483. 
488, 503, 506 

and Washington, 445 

assassination of, 529 

birthday of, 19 

birth State of, 506 

days of, 607 

-Douglas debates, 505 

friend of the people, 531 

greatness of, 445 

guard at tomb of, 446 

honoring memory of, 445 

-like phrase, a, 504 

magnanimity of, 505 

martyrdom of, 17 

monument to, 445 

nobility of, 504 

pew of, 503 

piety of, 504 

power of, 504 

principles of, 212 

private secretary of, 503 

speech of, a, 504 

statesmanship of, 58 

war rules of, 62 

words of, 444-445 
"Lincoln's hirelings," 63 
Line, where drawn in America, 431 
Liquor traffic and the Indians, 595 
Literature, Poe in world, 456 
Lives, great, lesson of, 492 
Locomotive brakes, law on, 310 
Locomotive Firemen, Brotherhood 

of, 156-167 
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Senator, 79, 

665 
Logan, John A., General, 489 
Logansport, Indiana, 187 
Logic, pure, restricted application 

of, 776-777 
London, England, 666 
Long, John D., Secretary, 79 
Loomis, Francis B., Assistant-Secre- 
tary, 729, 730 
Loose tongue, evil of a, 271 



Louisiana, 112, 304, 517 

rice in, 641 

Purchase, 341-353. 454, 596, 676 

importance of, 342 

Exposition, 341, 676-677 

Territory of, 343 
Louisville, Kentucky, 508 
Love and charity, 355 

and work, 356 

for liberty and union, 15 

need of a broad, 355 
Low, Seth, 29 
Loyalty and patriotism, 493 

that counts, the, 44 
Lumbering, 426 

capital invested in, 427 

conservative, 417 

destructive, 417 

forestry and, 426 

importance of, 427 

in Alaska, 425 

mining and, 252 

progressive, 683 

railroads and, the, 252 
Lutheran Church, 447, 507 
Luxury, vicious and frivolous, 509 
Lynching, 60, 61 

action on, 523 

alarm at, 524 

anarchy encouraged by, 527 

crimes punished by, 524 

discouragement of, 528 

duty of denouncing, 528 

evil effects of, 526 

growth of, in United States, 524 

horror at, 526 

letter on, 523-528 

real objections to, 524 

speedy justice and, 525 
Lynn Canal, Alaska, 665, 666 

M 

Macabebes, Government aid for, 571 

loyalty of the, 571 
Macaroni wheat, introduction of, 641 
Machinery, development of, 306 
Madison, James, President, 455 
Mail carriers, compensation for, 675 
Mail delivery, extent of, 600 

free, appropriations for, 635 

free, benefits of, 676 

free, extension of, 675 

free, rural, 634, 675, 686 
Mail matter, second-class, 600 
Maine, 112 

"Maladversion," accusation of, 80 
Malefactors, treatment of, 494 
Malmros, Oscar, Consul, 729 
Man, essentials of a true, 482 

that counts, the, 395 

value of the, in civilization, 133 

worth of a, 481 
Manchuria, capital of, 674 
Manila, 119, 267, 421 

battle of, 401, 463, 579, 580 



8o8 



Index 



Manila - Hongkong cable, British, 
626 

success at, reasons for, 403 
Mankind, advance of, 106 
Manliness, value of true, 134 
Manoeuvres, camp sites for, 689 
Marine, merchant, condition of, 553 
Market for American industries, 297 
Markets, strengthening of, 651 

wider, 553 
Marksmanship, attention to, 630 

in the Navy, 404 
Marriage, avoidance of, 509 

laws of Indians, 595 
Marroquin J. M., President, 722 
Marshall, John, Chief Justice, 57 

quoted, 764 
Maryland, 504, 507 

Germans in, 507-508 
Massachusetts, 223 

corporation laws of, 116, 544 
Material prosperity, 50-51 
Mathematics at West Point, 589 
McClellan, George B., General, 489 
McCook, Colonel, 353, 354 
McCormick, Robert S., Ambassador, 

457 
Mcllhenny, John, 517 
McKinley, William, President, 39, 78, 
119, 2ii, 213, 215, 231-242, 
3«f. 397, 41°, 5'5- 688 

American, a typical, 398 

and Lincoln, 398 

anxiety of, for right, 531 

appointees of, 515 

assassin of, 532 

assassination of, 529-533, 597 

birthday of, 231 

candidate for Presidency, 235 

champion of workers, 531 

choice of the people, 531 

Civil War, in the, 233 

Congress, in, 234 

death of, 531, 605-606 

desire of, for peace, 236 

devotion of, to ideals, 234 

elections of, 213, 214 

Governor of Ohio, 234 

grandeur of, 531 

greatness of, 240-242 

heroism of, 531 

leadership of, 233 

martyrdom of, 17, 240 

memorial, 39 

memory of, 400 

message of (1898), 670 

monument to, 397-400 

national debt to, 409 

nobility of, 530 

Pan-American Congress and, 605 

people, friend of the, 531 

policy of, vindicated, 239 

power of leadership of, 234 

President of United States, 234 

principles of, 212 

quoted, 216, 311, 670 



McKinley, William, President, sol- 
dier, as a, 397-398, 530. 53 1 

standard-bearer, popular, 531 

triumph of, 240 

wide love for, 530 
McMaster, John Bach, 501 
Medora, North Dakota, 320 
Meade, George G., General, 489 
Mediation in labor troubles, 308 
Mediterranean, commerce on the, 391 
Memorial Day, 56 
Memphis, Egypt, 151 

Tennessee, 202 
Merchant Marine, building up, 651 

condition of, 553 

development of, 656 

importance of, 553 
Merchant princes, Phoenician, 201 
Merit, individual, standard of, 620 

sole rule in the Army, 586 
Merit system, appointments under, 
59i, 644 

benefits of the, 592 

examinations and, 592 

in Philippines, 593 

in Porto Rico, 593 

success of the, 687 
Mesopotamia, 151, 374 
Mesopotamian Valley, 113 
Methodism in America, 242-248 
Methodist Church, growth of the, 

243 

work of the, 243-246 
Methodists, work of, 39 
Mexican War, 10, 72, 222, 454, 746 
Mexico, 668, 669 

capital of, 604 

extradition treaty with, 662 

funds due to, 605 

Gulf of, 202, 243, 257, 304, 351 

joint note from, 655 

Pan-American Congress in, 604 

President of, 747 

Republic of, 264 

The Hague Tribunal and, 623 

Weil and La Abra Awards in, 
605 
Michigan, 186 
Midshipman, the title, 581 
Military Academy, United States, 70 

education, need of, 589 

life, brotherhood in, 14 

Surgeons' Association, 68-70 

training, value of, 77 
Militia, action on, needed, 589 

law, 319 

law, new, 320 

law, present, worthless, 589 

laws, obsolete, 630 

Naval, State, 583-584 

system, reorganizing, 630 

volunteer forces and, 630 
Millennium, the, not yet come, 435 
Miller, William A., 518, 520 

case of, 518-523 
Mills, Colonel, 70, 73, 74 



Index 



809 



Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 272 
Mind, strength of, 30 
Mining, agriculture and, 437 

conditions of, 252 

enterprises in China, 674 

forest reserves and, 558 

forestry and, 252 

interests in Alaska, 665 

in Utah, 437 

irrigation and, 563 
Minneapolis, Minnesota, 292, 294 
Minnesota, 286, 292, 311 

Legislature of, 286 

University of, 289, 292 

Volunteers, 13th, 311 
Misconduct and wealth, 610 
Missionaries in China, rights of, 674 

pioneer work of, 342 
Missionary service, 495 

work, 45-50 
Mississippi, 343, 511, 517 

River, 51, 148, 154, 281, 284, 
341, 351, 419, 422, 425, 426, 
454 

Valley, 202, 364, 563 
Missouri, 223, 336, 341, 451, 596 

German loyalty in, 507 

Germans in, 451 
Mitchell, John, 522 
Mob violence, consequences of, 528 

evil of, 475 

form of anarchy, 523 
Modern life, good and evil in, 292 
Mohammedans in Philippines, 96 
Monetary system, elasticity of the, 

617 
Monopolies founded on railroad 
rates, 279 

restraining trade, 612 
Monopoly, tendency to, 609 
Monroe Doctrine, the, 125, 257-268, 

270. 575-577 
affirmed, 575 
benefits of, 576 
commerce and, 576 
defined, 261-262, 575 
enunciation of, 690 
in Cuba, 576 
limits of the, 576 
loyalty to the, 578 
no hostile manifesto, 576 
not international law, 265 
our policy, 632 
peace, a means of, 578 
Monroe, James, President, 87, 455, 

575 
messages of, 575, 690 
on the Monroe Doctrine, 575 
quotation on Navy, 690 

Montana, 324, 326, 327, 362, 432 

Moody, Dwight L,, 134 

Moody, William H., Secretary, 118, 
122, 728 

Morality, social, a lesson of, 309 

Moro campaign, 690 

Moros, troubles with the, 96, 627 



Morrison, Frank, 522 
Mosquera, General, 701 
Mounted rifleman, the, 585 
Mount St. Alban, District of Co- 
lumbia, 495 
St. Elias, 664, 666 
Vernon, 41 

Vernon, preservation of, 644 
Mohawk Valley, New York, 507 
Muhlenberg, F. A., Congressman, 

450 
Mukden, China, 674 
Municipal ownership discussed, 776 
Munsterberg, Hugo, Professor, 28 
Murders of foreigners in China, 

602 
Murphy, Governor, 482, 483 
Murphy, G. Mallet-Prevost, Lieut., 

724 
Museum, National, need of a, 598 

proposed, 642 
Music, enjoyment of, 453 

N 

Napoleon Bonaparte, 50 

Napoleonic struggles, 489 

Nashville, United States steamship, 
727. 732, 734. 737 

Nation, aggregate of families, 493 
debt of, to Germans, 508 
duty as a, our, 269 
first thing for a, to do, 50 
glory of the, 491 
honor roll of the, 479 
individual and, compared, 291 
making a great, 480 
opportunities for the, 396 
peace as a, our, 396 
preservation of the, 489 
stock range of the, 438 
strength of our, cramping the, 
540 

National Banking Law, 554 
Board of Trade, 225 
boundaries, our, 676 
character, laws and the, 487 
character, standard of, 16 
expansion, 51 
Fish Commission, 424 
Government, the, 118, 309 

National Guard, the, 319 
appropriations for, 590 
in war times, 590 
manoeuvres of, 689 
organization of, 589 
Regular Army and, 590 
reorganizing, 630 
training the, 77, 589 
use of, 689 

National life, cause of true, 448 
museum, need of a, 598 
powers, State and, 276 
supervision, need for, 610 

Naturalization offences, 661 

Nature, beauties of, 376 



18— Vol. XIV 



8io 



Ind 



ex 



Naval Academy, United States, 33- 
36, 581, 584 
enlargement, needed, 633 
graduates of the, 583 

Naval base in Philippines, 691 
cadet, the title, 581 
efficiency, standard of, 583 
gun-practice, funds for, 631 
intelligence, office of, 692 
manoeuvres in peace, 582 
militia, State, 583-584 
militia, object of the, 583 
officers, duties of, 34-36 
Reserve, National, 584 
Reserve, demand for, 584 
shore duties, civilians in, 582 
stations in Cuba, 646 
vessels, need of new, 581 
War College, 692 

Navigation, Bureau of, 692 

Navy, United States, the, 203, 401, 
465 
activity of, in peace, 121-122 
admiral of the, 631 
and Army, 463 
auxiliary, 584 
builders of the, 580 
completing, no cessation in, 581 
commercial, importance of, 394 
condition of, in 1882, 402, 579 
Confederate, 209, 223 
Congressional action on, late, 

403 
credit for the, 580 
Department, 34, 266, 295, 559, 

584, 691, 692 
efficiency in the, 582, 691 
efficient, need of an, 266, 394, 

577 
enlisted men of the, 465 
first-class, need of a, 632 
excellence of the, 34 
General Board of tiie, 583, 592 
General Staff in, 692 
gunnery in the, 631 
history of the, present, 579 
importance of the, 577 
improvised, impossible, 578, 632 
inadequate, dangers of an, 632 
instruction in the, 582, 583 
Isthmian Canal and, 632 
manoeuvres in, extensive, 631 
marksmanship in the, 691 
memorial monument, 401-404 
men for, need of good, 583, 632 
men of the, 120 
men of the, credit to, 421 
men of the, training for, 403 
mercantile, our, 394 
military, our, 394 
necessity of a good, 584 
necessity of maintaining, 198 
no politics in, 209 
officers, additional, needed in, 

633 
officers and men for the, 581 



Navy, United States, the, officers 
in, credit due, 633 
officers in, scarcity of, 633 
officers of, work of, 691 
peace, guarantee of, 267, 577, 

578, 632 
plea for the, 404 
plea for, by President Monroe, 

690 
policy on, National, 402 
preparation in, need of, 401, 
578 
• pride in, 492 
progressive instruction in the, 

583 
promotion in, fostering, 633 
public debt to, 588 
recruits in, raw, 633 
retirement from, facility in, 633 
Secretaries of the, 403 
Secretary of, Advisory Board 

,to, 692 
Secretary of the, 79, 309, 579, 

580, 581, 583, 656- 
services of the, great, 119 
ships and crews in the, 632 
ships for, providing new, 631 
situation on the, 577-584 
skill in the, need of, 120-121 
Spanish, 580 

standard of the, high, 465 
Surgeon-General of, 457 
target practice in the, 582 
the new, 402 

training in the, 119, 579-580 
upbuilding of the, 402, 631, 691 
war, not a provocation to, 578 
Yard, Bremerton, Wash., 420 

Nebraska, 329 

Needs, National, laws for, 09 

Negro appointments, attitude on, 513 
defended, 516 
fewness of, 512 
criminals, 524 

"domination," 511, 513, 516 
office-holding, 510-518 
rights of the, 446 

Negroes appointed in South, 516 
appointments of, 511 
victims of lynching, 524 

Nero, United States ship, sound- 
ings by, 625 

Netherlands, the, 151, 668, 669 

Nevada, 414, 416, 362 
agriculture in, 417 
development of, 417 
irrigation in, 415-416 
Land reclamation in, 682 
laws of, irrigation, 417 
mineral products of, 417 
public lands in, 415 
stock raising in, 417 
water supply of, 415 

Newell, F. H., 681 

New England, 97, 113 
town meeting, 533 



Index 



8n 



Newfoundland, reciprocity with, 622 

New Granada, 717 

passing away of, 694 
sovereignty guaranteed to, 696 

New Jersey, 281, 482 
veterans of, 482 

New Mexico, 364, 365, 366, 368 

New Orleans, La., 401, 511 

Newspapers, reckless talk in, 533 
sensational, 9 

New York City, 29, 31, 196, 242, 
401 
America's entry-port, 196 
Chamber of Commerce, 196-202 
government of, 506 
"Herald," quoted, 722, 723 
National importance of, 196 
"Times," quoted, 722 

New York State, 97, 113, 223, 466, 
507, 5i8 
Agricultural Association, 466 
Federal Grand Jury, 660 
negro office-holders in, 513 

Nicaragua Canal route, 692, 710 
Republic of, 707 

Nichols law in Ohio, 767 

Nile, River, 151, 391 

Nineteenth Century, progress in, 

537 
Nineveh, 113, 151 
North Carolina, 167 , 
North Dakota, 310, 311, 320 
Northern Pacific Railroad, 281 
Northern Securities Company, 281 

suit against, 282 
Northfield, Mass., 134 
Norway, 668, 669, 677 

O 

Obaldia, Governor, of Panama, 722 

Obedience to law, 474 

Ocean Mail Act of 1891, 656 

O'Connell, James, 522 

Office, character prime test for, 515 

Office-holders, Democratic, 517 

political influence in, 586 

typical American, 589 
Office-seekers disappointed, 11 
Ohio River, 454 

Valley, 563 
Olympia, cruiser, 463, 465 
Omaha, Neb., 329, 333 
O'Neill, Bucky, 369 
"Open door" in China, 98, 604 
Opportunities, National, 396 

present, 87 
Opportunity for colored men, 512 
Orderly liberty, 523 

and virtue, 481 
Oregon, 97, 112, 393, 419, 426, 677 

country, acquisition of, 677 

men in the Philippines, 419 

pioneers of, 419 
Organization, law of, 189 

benefits of, 159 



Organizations, labor, need of, 102 

opposition to, 618 

the public and, 619 
Orient, the, 304 

awakening of the, 97 

duties in the, 92, 95 

growing commerce in, 98 
Oriental trade, 429 
Over-capitalization, evils of, 172, 

54-2 
fraudulent, 612 
Over-grazing, evils of, 439-441 
Ownership, corporate, and war 
problems, 672 
State and private, 777 
Oyster- Bay, N. Y., 458, 520. 5^3 



Pacific cable, 393 

action on the, 625 

Congressional power in, 626 

laying of, 98 

need of a, 573 
Pacific Coast, 51, 364, 385 

line, 393 
Pacific Ocean, the, 203, 243, 257, 
281, 338, 343, 372, 393, 401. 

419, 422, 454, 676 
domination of, our, 393, 429 
commerce in the, 392 
importance of, future, 400 
our interests in the,^ 97 
power on, United States, 601 
seaboard, 677 

Pacific Slope, the, 205, 372, 373. 395. 

420, 421, 423 

Page, Thomas Nelson, 457, 517 
Palma, Tomas Estrada, President, 

295 
Palmetto State, the, 20 
Palo Alto, ^al., 377 
Panama, arms imported to, 720, 725 

attitude in, explained, 698-707 

Bay of, 708 

bombardment of, 730 
Panama Canal Act of 1902, 709 

Company, French, 623, 711 

Company, new, 710, 749, 780 

route preferred, 259, 693 

sentiment in, 715 

treaty on, 692-693 

treaty with, 707 
Panama, City of, 720 

City of, United States control 
of, 708 

continual revolutions in, 700 

7 ° 3 - .-• t 

dissatisfaction in, cause ot, 723 

Government of, recognized, 699 

Hubbard's work in, 731-744 

independence of, guaranteed 

708 
independence, movement in, 71? 
independence, newspapers on 

720-724 



812 



Index 



Panama, interference in, United 

States, 707, 727 

Isthmian Canal at, 623 
Panama, Isthmus of, 22 

guaranty from invasion, 696 

sovereignty in, 695 

right of way on, 693 

United States fortifications in, 
709 

United States grants in, 708 

United States interventions in, 
frequent, 745 

United States neutrality in, 694 

United States warships at, 740 
Panama Railroad, 709 

Disturbance on (1887), 702 

railway and canal rights in, 
708 
Panama, Republic of, 693, 717 

message on, 709-757 

status of, 694 

recognition of, justified, 750- 
754 . 

recognized by the Powers, 752 

unanimity in, 698 
Panama Revolution, despatches on, 
727-729 

in 1903, 698, 700, 719-728 

bloodless, 698, 743 

duty of United States in, 698 
706 

interference of United States 
in, 698 

occasion of the, 698 
Panama revolutions, United States 

neutrality in, 695 
Panama, sovereignty guaranteed in, 
696 

United States forces in, 703 
720 
Pan - American Congress, 604-605, 
75i 

United States Delegates to, 605 
Pan-American Exposition, 529 
Panics, 10 

safeguards against, 555 
Paralysis of business energies, 614 
Parents, wishes of true, 395 
Party system, true aim of, 191 
Past, forgetfulness of the, 63 

reverence for historic, 503 
Pasturage, need of providing, 439 

question of, 438 
Patents, land, in Alaska, 678 
Patents to foreigners, 684 
Patience and resolution, 488 
Patriotic societies, thoughts on, 55 

value of, 36 
Patriotism, spirit of, 492 

variant of loyalty, 493 
Peace, anxiety for, our, 578 

and arbitration, 622-623 

conditions of maint; ining, 575 

Conference, The Hague, 575 

duties of, 492 

effective plea for, 198 



Peace, forces tending toward, 673 
for the just man armed, 394 
industrial, 198 
naval manoeuvres in, 582 
safeguards for present, 634 
situation on, 574-575 
steady trend toward, 197 
surest way of obtaining, 394 
true conditions of, 578 
war and, leaders in, 289 
war and, spirit in, 488 
work of, 22 
world-wide, present, 606 

Pearse Inlet, 666 

Peckham, Rufus W., Justice, 671 
quotation from, 671 

Pekin, foreign quarter in, exclu- 
sive, 602 
guards in, permanent military, 

602 
representatives in, safety of, 
602 

Pennsylvania, 205, 219, 333, 512 
Germans in, 507 

Pension Bureau, work of the, 686 

People and the Government, 494 
government by the, 663 
plain, prosperity of, 608 
responsibility of the, 441 
right of the, to water, 418 

Performance and Promise, 413-414 

Pershing, Captain, services of, 690 

Perez y Sotos, proposal by, 722 

Peru, 705 

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 211 

Philbin, Eugene A., 657 

Philippine cable, 625-627 
Commission, 81 
independence impossible, 93 
policy, critics of the, 296, 318 

Philippine War, 21, 39, 59, 85, 92, 
217-218, 399, 488 
aim of the, 314 
conduct of, 59-67 
difficulties of, 628 
end of, 207, 316 
hardships of, 313 
justified, 98 
McKinley on, 31 1 
necessity of, 92, 204 
object of, 64 
outcry against, 311 
veterans of, 591 

Philippines, the, 59, 60, 82, 83, 185, 
203, 204, 206, 210, 211, 223, 
237, 3". 312, 313. 393. 394. 
408, 410, 577, 580, 590 
aims in the, our, 568 
Americanism in the, 628 
amnesty declared in, 96, 627 
anarchy in, danger of, 569 
appointments in the, 569 
appropriation for the, 315 
armies in the, 63 
arms in, triumph of, 628 
army in, praise for, 628 



Index 



813 



Philippines, army in, reduction of, 94 
banditti in the, 571 
benefits from, 98 
benefits of United States rule 

in, 92, 93 
brigandage in the, 313, 315 
business in the, 572 
cable to, need of. a, 573 
cattle disease in the, 315 
-China cable. 626 
civil government in the, 95, 207, 

314, 409, 569, 627 
conditions in the, 568 
constructive statesmanship in, 

629 
cotirse in, our, unexampled, 569 
cruelties in the, 64, 205, 217- 

218, 313, 628 
development of the, S7 2 
difficulties in the, 568 
difficulties of war in, 93-94 
duty in, our, 238, 569 
"errors" in the, our, 570 
fear in, our only, 570 
Filipino officials in, 95 
franchises in the, 572 
freedom withdrawn in, 570 
freest Asiatic country, 208 
good government in, 210 
Governors of, 21 
holding the, 628 
improved conditions in, 589 
industrial enterprises in, 572 
insurrection in the, 571 
interests of, 67 
ladrones in, 94, 207 
laws made in the, 96 
laws in, triumph of, 628 
legislation for the, 571 
liberty in the,_ 315 
merit system in, 593 
military rule in the, 314 
mission, our, in the, 394 
naval base, in, 691 
new era in the, 627 
officials in, choosing, 679 
Oregon men in, 419 
peace in the, 218 
perplexing problems in, 238 
policy in, proper, 318, 627 
progress in, 679 
prosperity in, 410, 568, 679 
representative government, 96 
results of "liberating," 66, 92 
restoring peace in, 312 
retention of, necessary, 569 
self-government in the, 93, 206, 

570 
situation _ in the, 567-573, 627 
soldiers in the, 206, 628 
statesmanship in the, 97 
Taft's services to, 410 
tariff arrangements with, 679 
tariff reduction to the, 296, 315 
wealth of, natural, 572 
wrongdoing in the, 97, 313, 628 



Phoenician merchant-princes, 201 

Phoenicians, 151 

Physical development, need of, 293 

Pilgrims, the, 365 

Pinchot, Gifford, 'Bureau Chief, 249, 

681 
Pinckney, Charles, Secretary, 343 
Pioneer preachers, work of, 245-246 

settlers, watercourses and, 562 
Pioneers, achievement of, 420 

descendants of, 606 

German, in America, 450 

Western, 419 

Western, work of, 414 
Piracy, 535 

Plagues, quarantine against, 641 
Plain people, prosperity of, 608 
Piatt Amendment, 23, 295, 621, 645 
Piatt, Orville H., Senator, 85 
Play and work, 379 

relation of, 294 
Plenipotentiaries, 601-602 
Plutocracy, 470 
Poe, Edgar Allan, 456 
Policies, effect of continuous, 608 
Policing, international, growing 

need of, 624 
Policy, common-sense, a, 271 

economic, stability of, 190, 550 

enforcing a, 441 

fixity of, 113 

foreign, a sound, 272 

land, United States, 388, 441 

Monroe Doctrine, our, 632 

National, justice as the, 396 

National, on the Navy, 402 

public land, wise, 681 

United States forest, 249 
Political influence in offices, 586 
Politicians, "bread-and-butter," 9 
Politics in insular possessions, 593 
Polk, James K., President, 748 
Poor and rich, legal equality of the, 

620 
Popular government and bribery, 

663 
Population, concentration of, 274 

urban, evils in, 100 

urban, growth of, 100 
Porcupine River, Alaska, 667 
Portland Canal, 664, 666 
Portland, Me., 122 
Portland, Ore., 419 

exposition at, 677 
Porto Rico, 22, 87, 185, 237, 577, 

590 
appropriation for, 315 
difficulties in, 88 
free trade with, 567 
government of, 88-89, 567, 627 
merit system in, 593 
progress in, 679 
prosperity in, 567, 627 
public lands in, 567 
situation in, 567 
United States rule in, 237 



8 H 



Index 



Possible, achievement of the, delay- 
ing, 611 

Postage, pound rate of, 600 

Postal abuses, 601 
crimes, 661 
progress, recent, 600 
service, 599-601 
service, deficit of, 599 
service, growth of, 599 

Postmaster-General, 656 

Post-office Department, 601 
revenues, 634 
frauds in, 661 

Potomac, River, 483 

Pound rate, postal, limiting the, 
601 

Preaching and practicing, 461-462, 
481 

Precepts, unintelligent, harmful, 289 

Preferences in rates forbidden, 280 

Preparation and forethought, need 
of, 580 

Presbyterian Church, 44, 501 

Present conditions, superiority of, 
101 
rejoicing in the, 607 

Presidency, difficulties of, 5, 13 

President accountable to Nation, 7 
appointments by, 8 
burden of the, 10- 11 
demand for capacity in, 9 
dissatisfaction with, 9 
duties of, on revenue, 7 
duty of, to enforce laws, 281 
Federal departments and, 3 
friends, his difficulty with, 11 
great tasks before, 7 
importance of, 1 
"ingratitude" of, 12 
legislative functions of, 2 
mail of, immense, 1 1 
personality of, 2 
policy of, criticising, 5-6 
power of, 2, s, 12 
power of, to stop legislation, 3 
protection of, proper, 535 
recommending legislation, 2 
reconciling interests, 9 
requests made to, 1 1 
respect due to, 6 
responsibilities of, 5, 8 
requisites for a good, 5 
retired, the, 12, 13 
Senate and, harmony of, 4 
Treasury and the, 8 
unable to answer letters, 11 
veto power of, 2 
work of, constant, 10 

Presidents of United States, defects 
in, 6 
high character of, 6 
Tennesseean, 203 

Pressure for promotions, 586 

Principles, American, fundamental, 
499, 620 

Printer, public, 518, 519, 520 



Printing, Government, great cost of, 
643 

Office, Government, 518 

public, unnecessary, 643 
Private property, exemption of, 671 

in war time, 671-672 
Prizes for naval gunnery, 631 
Problem, forest, the, 251 
Problems, attitude toward, 397 

dealing with, 331 

economic, solution of, 106 

false remedies for, 274 

industrial, 143, 159, 274, 302 

industrial and economic, 292 

industrial, how not solved, 199 

industrial, solutions of, 175 

industrial, treatment of, 307 

in 20th century, 607 

nature of, 173 

present-day, 137-144 

qualities in solving, 334 

social and economic, 85-86 

social, solution of, 25 

solving, certainty of, 607 

temper in treating, 149-150 

true spirit in meeting, 274 

trust-control, no 
Procedure, legal, needs in, 525 
"Productive scholarship," 28, 456 
Progress, conditions of, 357 

sudden advance of, 152 

universal, joy at, 271 
Progressive regulation, 609 
Promise and performance, 108, 413- 

. 414, 432 
Promises, public and private, 414 
Promotions, Army, on merit, 587 

pressure for, 586 
Property guaranteed to all, 653 

inviolability of, 609 

misuse of, 132 

private, in war time, 671-672 

rights conserved by law, 112 

true use of, 476 
Prosperity, advent of, 236 

agricultural, 251 

all share in, 467 

American, conditions of, 577 

attacks on, evil, 273 

average of, 467 

commercial, 98 

common interest in, 286 

conditions of, 98 

continuance of, 201 

defined, 418 

destruction of, 99 

energy and, 99 

envy at, 98 

evils in times of, 99, 214, 60S 

general, 613 

high level of present, 552 

Homestead Law and, 637 

industrial, 147 

industrial period of, 24 

jn Porto Rico, 567, 627 

in the Philippines, 568 



Index 



815 



Prosperity, laws in, influence of, 606 
material, 50-51. 352 
material, necessary, 18S 
not created by law, .25, 214. 537. 

606 
of wage-workers, present, 538 
present, abounding, marvelous, 

302, 537 
present, unbounded, 000 
present, unique, 219 
present, unparalleled, 296 
protective tariff and, 614 
requisite of, first, 550 
return of, 215, 759 
ruined by law, 25 
source of envy, a, 24 
times of, inequalities in, 540 
under the tariff, 297 
Protection, reciprocity and, 553 

right of, for all, 477 
Protective tariff and prosperity, 614 
Protocol, Chinese, 601 
Providence, Rhode Island, 98 
Psalmist, the, 103 
Public, the, and organizations, 619 
Public honesty and efficiency, 488 
land laws, disagreements on, 
land policy, wise, 681 
Public lands, Alaskan, 677 
extent of, 415 
fences on, 637, 680 
for home-makers, 636 
laws on, 661 

President's power on, 559 
proceeds from, 682 
reclamation of arid, 562 
settlement on, retarded, 680 
Public life, requisites for, 288 

responsibilities of, 493 
Public man, duty of, to tell truth, 
288 
qualities of the, 488 
Public opinion in the United States, 

557 
printer, 518, 519. 520 
ranges, best uses of, 440 
servant, honesty of, 499 
servants, attacks on, 6 
service, how to regard, 412 
works for public good, 563 

Publicity and honest corporations, 
610 
in corporation affairs, 105-106, 

116, 650 
remedy for trust evils, 543 

Puget Sound, 427, 428, 429 

Punishment and reformation, 494 

Puritans, the, 365 

Q 

Qualities, essential, of character, 493 

great, need of, 509 
Quebec, Supreme Court of, 666 
Quincy, Illinois, 335 



R 



Race discriminations wrong, 512 
no bar to office, 512 
strains in America, 450 
-suicide, question of, 508 
Railroad discrimination, laws on, 
322 
Branch, Y. M. C, A., 353 
employees, safety of, 685 
men as soldiers, 157 
men, bravery of, 157 
men, heroism of, 229 
men, qualities needed by, 163 
men used to risks, 157 
men, Y. M. C. A. work for, 

229 
problems, 332 
systems, great, 429 
Railroading, qualities needed in, 353 
Railroads, Alaskan, 678 
as developers, 338 
as means of travel, 338 
benefits of, 430 
blocking frogs of, 643 
Interstate, regulation of, 555 
law regarding, 310 
the, and lumbering, 252 
rates on, 556 
safety appliances on, 685 
safety on, laws for, 643 
Railway, a public servant, 556 

foolish interference with, 557 
Ranges as invested capital, 438 
grazing, old system of, 438 
homesteads and the, 439 
public, best uses of, 440 
public, exhaustion of, 637 
moving cattle on, 439 
stock, of the Nation, 438 
summer and winter, 439 
wise use of the, 439 
Rapp, General, 451 
Rates, preferences in, forbidden, 280 
Readiness for life work, 497 
Rebates, secret, granted, 282 
Reciprocity, development of, natu- 
ral, 553 
field of, natural, 553 
handmaid of protection, 551 
home industries and, 551 
tariff law and, 551, 615 
treaties, need of, 615 
Treaty, Cuban, 567, 622-623, 

647 
with Newfoundland, 622 
Reclamation Law, the, 415, 682 
Redwood manufacturers, 385 
Reed, Thomas B., 123 
Reformation and punishment, 494 
Reformed Church, Dutch, 44, 447. 

505 
First, New York, 44 
German, 447 
Grace, D. C, 446 
Churches, duty of, 447 



8i6 



Index 



Reforms in Army, three prime, 588 

conditions of efficient, 565 

unreasonable demand for, no 
Regulation and tariff, separation of, 
613 

of artificial powers, 609 

progressive, 609 - 

transportation, 280 
Religion, crimes in name of, 449 
Religious liberty in Philippines, 96 
Reno, Nev., 416 
Reorganization Act, Army, 588 
Representative government in Philip- 
pines, 96 
Representatives of the people, 7 
Republic, American, 380, 484 

destiny of the, 125, 353 

greatest need of the, 56 

needs of our, 481, 523 

problems before, 14 

ruin of the, 469 

savers of the, 399 

spirit of its founders, 396 

success of United States as a, 
287 
Republics and despotism, 287 

fate of old, 287, 470-471 

ruin of, 471 
Reserves, Naval, demand for, 584 

Naval, National, 584 
Reservoirs in arid regions, 561 

irrigation, in Utah, 444 
Resolution and patience, 488 
Resources, National, developing, 188- 

190 
Responsibility of duty, 498 

personal, 501 
Restraint of the unscrupulous man, 

652 
Retirements, privileges in, 586 

Reunion, proofs of our, 203 
Revenue and expenditure, equal, 654 
Revenues not to be reduced, 555 

to be adjusted, 555 
Revolution, American, 18, 37, 41, 
57. 212, 232, 233, 243, 343, 
451, 454> 485, 487, 507 
American, Germans in the, 507 
American, Sons of the, 36-39 
American, events of, in Charles- 
ton, 18 
Revolution, industrial hardships in 

a, 780 
Revolutionary legislation, evil of, 

T,, • 477 

Rhine, river, 151 

Rhode Island, growth of, 100 

Rich and poor, contrast between, 

778 
legal equality of, 620 
Rich man, the unscrupulous, 472 
Richards, W. A., Commissioner, 

Land, 681 
Richmond, Va., 141 
Richmond Hill, N. Y., 481 
Rifleman, mounted, the, 585 



Righteousness and strength, 37 

civic, need of, 499 

the only test, 437 

warfare for, 496 
Rights of others, regard for, 575 
Riis, Jacob A., 481 
Rio Grande, 243 
Rizal, Jose, 317, 318 

quoted, 317 
Road-building and civilization, 337 
Roads and trails in Alaska, 678 

good, advantages of, 340 

Good, International Convention, 
336 

good, new interest in, 338 
Rockhill, William VVoodville, 602 
Rocky Mountain region, 303 
Rocky Mountain States, j,~- 
Rocky Mountains, 205, 255, 327, 

338, 3Si, 373, 415 
Roman Empire, effects of the, 336 

growth of the, 346 

expansion, 346, 396 

power, traces of, 396 

roads, 336-337 
Rome, 151, 336, 337, 345 

fall of, 391 
Roosevelt, Nicholas, Alderman, 506 
Root, Elihu, Secretary, 80, 83, 84, 
316, 665 

services of, 84 
Rosecrans, William S., General, 40- 

, 44 
Rough-Rider Regiment, 365 
Rough-Riders in Spanish War, yy 

typically American, 365-366 
Rural free mail delivery, 675 
Rural carriers, Civil Service, 686 

(See Mail, free delivery of) 
Ruskin, John, 31 
Russia, Ambassador to, 457 



Sacramento Valley, 387 
Sa;ngerfest Association, Baltimore, 

45° 
Safety-Appliance Law, the, 643, 685 
Safety appliances, inspection of, 685 
St. Louis, Missouri, 336, 341, 596 
arbitration union at, 672 
bribe-givers extradited, 663 
corruption in, 662 
Exposition, 596 
loyal Germans in, 508 
University of, 341 
St. Paul, Minnesota, 286 
Salmon hatcheries in Alaska, 678 
industry in Alaska, 424 
industry, protecting, 678 
Salt Lake City, Utah, 435 
Salt Trust, case against the, 284 
San Bernardino, California, 373 
San Francisco, California, 283, 385, 

390, 397, 4°i, 403, 413 
San Gabriel Valley, California, 387 



Index 



817 



San Juan, battle of, 73 
Santa Fe, New Mexico, 364, 368 
Santa Cruz, California, 37s 
Santiago, Cuba, 20, 65, 119, 166, 
267, 421 

battle of, 579. 580 

colored troops at, 446 
Satterlee, Henry Y., Bishop, 495 
Savannah, collector of port of, 516 
Savings Banks as corporations, 174 

deposits in, 608 
Scandinavia, 365, 421-422, 429 
Schedules, tariff, examination of, 616 
Scholarly achievement, 28 
Scholarship and the Library of Con- 
gress, 599 

productive, 28, 378, 456 

productive, achievement in, 293 

services to Nation, 28 

true, 379 
School system, common, 591 
Scientific bureaus, control of, 559 

study, importance of, 69 
Scott, John M., Senator, 146 
Scott, W infield, General, 203, 454 
Scylla and Charybdis, 288 
Sea habit, the, 35 
Seamen, additional, demand for, 581 

American, high type of, 632 

American, praise due to, 632 

training of, necessary, 581 
Seattle, Washington, 421, 428 
Second-class mail, abuses of, 601 

mail-matter, 600 
Self-government, art of, 224 

capacity for, 414 

developing capacity for, 568 

first requisite of, 664 

qualities for, 470 

success in, our, 568 

taught to Filipinos, 96 
Senate, advisory function of, 3, 4 

executive functions of, 2 

power of, to reject nominations, 

3 ' 4 , . 
Senators, advisory privilege of, 3-4 

Sequoias of California, 386 
Servant, a faithful, 501 
Service and duty, 447 
Service, classified, in District of Co- 
lumbia, 592 
conditions of good, 31-32 
Government, rules of, 522 
the honor of true, 408 
Services of scholarship to Nation, 28 
Settlement in public lands retarded, 

680 
Settler, development of the, 439 
Seward, William H., Secretary, 698 

quoted, 695 
Shanghai, China, 673 

improvements at, 603 
Sheridan, Philip, General, 142, 399. 

489 
Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 105, 280, 
282 



Sherman, William T., General, 142, 
157, 158, 165, 230, 399, 489, 
490, 492 

high worth of, 495 

homage to, 490 

mighty feats of, 490 

monument to, 489-495 
Sincerity, proofs of, 447 
Sioux Falls, South Dakota, 302, 354 
Sitka, Alaska, cable to, 678 
Slave, emancipation of the, 483 • 

trade, the, 536 
Slavery, abolition of, 398 
Slocum, Henry W., 483 
"Smartness," deification of, 135 
Smithsonian Institution, the, 597 

plans of, 642 
Ship, fighting, use of a, 672 
Shipper, large, favors to the, 556 
Shipping, action needed on, 554 

American, 656-657 

American, commission on, 656 

American, superiority of, 554 

interests, upbuilding of, 553 

lines, benefit of, 553 

requirements in, 656-657 

subsidized, a, 554 
Ships, American, cost of, 554 

American, standards on, 554 

and National interests, 553 
Shore duties, naval, civilians in, 582 
Sigel, General Franz, 451 
Siloam, Tower of, 98, 435 
Social betterment, 227 

conditions, 435 

conditions, betterment of, 548 

convulsions, 10 

discontent, 533 

equality, 516 

morality, a lesson of, 309 
order, inequalities in the, 533 

problems, 85-86 

problems, present, 538 

questions, 25 
Societies, mutual benefit, 608 

patriotic, value of, 36 
Society, right of, to regulate, 609 
Soldier, American, high standard of, 
588 
best type of, the, 585 

Confederate, the, 19, 21 

essentials and non-essentials for, 

77 
hardships of the, 15, 137 
ideals of the, 15 
increased pay of, question of, 

588 
motives of the, 15 
qualities of a good, 54-35 
Soldierly qualities, development of, 

630 
Soldiers, American, men of iron, 19 
Confederate, sons of, 512 
debt to the, our, 491 
example of American, 486 
ex-Confederate, 516 



8 i 8 



Index 



Soldiers, American, in the Philip- 
pines, 206, 218, 628 

of the Civil War, 445 

of Grant, 487 

of Washington, 487 

railroad men as, 157 

capacity of, scrutinized, 630 
Solutions, industrial, unwise, 148- 

149 
Sound currency, benefit of, 477 
South, appointments in, 517 

cotton interests of, 283 

glory of the, 19 

National pride in the, 27 
South Africa, war in, 80 
South Atlantic States, 97 
South Carolina, 18, 113, 516 

negro domination in, 511 

negro officials in, 512 
South Dakota, 302 
Southern States, 311 
Sovereignty, limitations on, in Pan- 
ama, 695 
Spain, 342, 668, 669, 705 

Navy of, 119 
Spanish Navy, 580 
Spanish rule in Cuba, 23 
Spanish War, 10, 14, 15, 54, 72, 84, 
87, 92, 98, 119, 125, 203, 204, 
215, 236, 239, 310, 320, 377, 
397, 398, 399, 484» 579, 580, 
646 

college men in, 377 

effects of, 646 

lesson of, 54 

naval victories in, 421 

our success in, 402 

problems after, 398 

"Rough Riders" in, 77 

ships in the, 579 
eterans, 185 
eterans of, 591 

West Pointers in, 72-74 
Speaker of the House, 450 
Speculation, dangers of, 99, 438 
Speculative frenzies, 468 
Speech, cleanness of, 459 
Speed, James, Attorney-General, 696 
Spirit, American, 487-488 
Spokane, Washington, 429 

growth of, 430 
Springfield, Illinois, 446 
Stability, value of, 99 
Staff divisions in Army, 588 
Staff, general, law, 319 
Standards of judging men, 468 
State and private ownership, 777 
State, college men and the, 78-84 

Department of, 261, 662, 663, 
675, 705, 727 

individual and the. i<~>7 

intrusion of the, 

laws, National and, 548 

Naval Militia, 583-584 

saving the, 498 

service to, conditions of, 31 



I State, Secretary of, 124, 261, 503, 
605, 622 

supervision, limits of, 610 

welfare of the, 499 
States, border, debt to the, 223 
States compared to Nation, 8 
States, formation of new, 348 
Statesman, ideal for the, 438 

Washington as a, 232 
Statesmanship, constructive, 545 

constructive, in Philippines, 629 

in the Philippines, 97 
Steam, centripetal effect of, 339 

electricity and, compared, 339 

as a factor in prosperity, 100 

factor in civilization, 170 
Steamship companies, supervision of, 
550 

lines, service of, 430 
Steamships, American, 393 

German and British, 656 
Stikine River, Alaska, 665, 667 
Stock-raisers and the forests, 440 

raising in arid region, 438 

range of the Nation, 438 
Streams, division of, laws on, 564 

Government control of, 443 

ownership of, abuses in, 565 

private ownersmp of, 564 

regulating the flow of, 562 
Strength, decency and, 461 

importance of physical, 30 

prime need of, 136 

righteousness and, 3- 

sweetness and, 482 
Stump, reckless talk on the, 533 
Subig Bay as a naval base, 691 
Success, beneficent, conditions of, 
539 

chief factor in, 54S 

conditions of real, 106, 107 

essentials of, 146 

individual effort and. 55 

National, spirit of, 247 

personal equation in, 539 

rugged ways to, 395 

secret of, 479 

varieties of, 200 

wrested from fortune, 607 

wrong kind of, 268-269 
Sultan. Turkish, and Beirut troubles, 

673 
Sumter, Fort, bombardment of, 141 
Supervision, corporation, 650 

State and National, 610 
Surgeons, Army, bravery of the 

United States, 68-69 
Supreme Bench, qualities for the, 

223 
Supreme Court, United States. 82, 
224, 505, 6; 1 

importance of, 221 

judges of, 221 
Sweden, 668, 669, 677 
Switzerland, President of, 1 
Syracuse, New York, 466 



Index 



819 



Taft, William H., Governor, 80, 81, 
83, 95, 207, 210, 314, 316, 
317, 408, 409, 410, 412, 569 
services of, to Philippines, 410 
Talents, responsibility for, 501 
Talking and fighting, 269 
Target practice in the Navy, 582 
Tariff Bill, Wilson-Gorman, 3 
business proposition, a, 298 
changes in, evil of, 551 
commission, proposed, 616 
conditions, 615 

danger in changes of, 191-192 
duties, broad significance of, 

300 
duties, unnecessary, 552 
experts, practical, 616 
good effects of, 299 
high, where not needed, 553 
imports, in China, 603 
law, reciprocity and, 551, 615 
on coal, removal of, 616 
policy on the, 190-191, 297 
prosperity under the, 297 
protection for capital and labor, 

297 
protection of labor by the, 546 
protective, benefits of, 194-195 
protective, necessary, 193 
protective, perpetual, 299 
protective, prosperity and, 614 
readjustments ruinous, 298 
reduction, 177 
reduction difficulties, 178 
reduction, evils in, 613 
reduction, futility of, 613 
reduction in Philippines, 296 
reduction, punitive, 177 
reduction, trusts and, 613 
regulation and, apart, 613 
remodeled, 215 
revision of the, best course in, 

193-194 
revision disastrous to workers, 

301 
revision, hostile to business, 300 
revision, low wages and, 301 
revision, trusts and, 300 
revision undesirable, 285 
schedules, examination of, 616 
situation on the, 612-617 
system, acquiescence in, 550 
theory of, American, 615 
true way of treating, 191-192 
wealth and growth of, 538 
Tasks, allotted, of a generation, 502 
Tax Commissioners, State Board of, 
N. Y., 769, 775 
inheritance, collateral, 772 
laws, failures in, TT2 
system, N. Y., confusion of, 
760 
Taxation, burden of, just shares in, 
764 



Taxation, corporation, in foreign 
lands, 762 

equality and justice in, abso- 
lute, 770 

foreign capital, in N. Y., 772 

great burden of, where it is, 
772 

problem of, difficult, 770 

situation on, 760 
Taxes, State and municipal, 771 
Taylor, Zachary, President, 203, 454 
Telephone, the, benefits of, 340 
Tenant tracts undesirable, 388 
Tennessee, 21, 67, 167, 202, 517 
Tennesseean Presidents, 203 

pioneers of, 202 
Territorial development of Hawaii, 

566 
Territories, formation of, 347 
Territory, United States, 631 

United States, desire for, 576 
Texas, 304 

rice in, 641 
Thanksgiving Day, 57 
Thebes, Egypt, 1 5 1 
Thomas, Geo. H., General, 142, 223, 

230, 399, 489 
Threats, bad policy of, 399 
Thrift and energy, need of, 537 
Tien-tsin, China, improvements at, 

603 
Tigris, River, 391 
Timber and Stone Law, 636, 680 

lands, large holdings in, 680 
Tongass Inlet, 666 
Topeka, Kansas, 353 
Torpedo boats, exercise of, 582 
Torture, degradation in using, 526- 

527 
Town meeting, New England, 113, 

533 

Trade, combination in restraint of, 
282 
damage to, in war, 670 
domestic, and currency, 555 
export, with Cuba, 647 
National Board of, 225 
Oriental, 429 
restrictions, petty, 552 
with foreign nations, our, 552 

Transportation facilities, perfecting, 

651 

in Alaska, 425 

regulation of, 280 
Trautman, Ralph, 658 
Treasury, United States, condition 
of, 476 

report to Congress, 555 

Secretary of the, 335, 555, 655 
Treaties, canal, important, 260 

reciprocity, need of, 615 

touching bribery, 662 
Treatv, Alaskan, of 1867, 664 
Treaty, Canal, Colombian offer on, 
703-704 

frequent use of, 705 



820 



Index 



Treaty, Canal, Colombian, interpre- 
tations of the, 694 
perpetuity of, 694 
repudiated by Colombia, 697 
with Panama, 707 
Treaty, Colombia, of 1903, 697 
Commercial, with China, 673 
New Granada, of 1846, 693-700 
New Granada, rights given by, 

694 
Russo-British, of 1825, 664 
with Mexico, extradition, 662 
Trees, preservation of the, 376 
Tribunal, The Hague, 264 
Triumph of 1898; how it was se- 
cured, 580 
Trolley lines, benefits of, 340 
Tromp, Admiral, 579 
Truckee River, 416 
Trust, Beef, case against, 282-283 
laws, enforcement of, 660 
legislation, 321, 322 
organizations, evils of, 612 
problem, difficulties of, 301 
problem, efforts to solve, 284 
problems, 332 

question, difficulties of, 106 
Trusts, abuses of, chief, 785-787 
attitude toward, 272-273 
control of, 272 
dealing with, 142 
definition of, 169 
difficulties of treating, 114-115 
Department of Commerce and, 

278 
expensive way to restrain, 285- 

286 
foolish zeal against, 139 
hatred and fear of, 541 
ignorant dealing with, 139 
importance of issues on, 170 
laws against, enforced, 154 
legislation upon, 275-276 
legislation on, mischievous, 541 
machinery and the, 782 
National control of, 104-105, 

IS3, 154, i5S. 173, 181-183 
National legislation on, 141 
nature of, 103-105 
necessary elements in, 542 
need of wise dealing with, 171 
problem of, difficult, 172 
problems of controlling, no, 

142, 147 
publicity for, 155, 183, 476 
question of, 219 
rational treatment of, 183-185 
sovereignty over, need of, 115 
spirit in dealing with, 173 
supervision of, 103, 172 
treatment of, 108 
unaffected by tariff, 179, -500, 

.613 
wise treatment of, 175, 541 
Truth telling in public men and 
critics, 288 



Turkish Government, relations •with, 

6 73 
turner, George, ex-Senator, 665 
Turn Verein, Baltimore, 451 
Tyranny, anarchy forerunner of, 

5-H 

U 

Unclassified laborers, 687 
Union and liberty, cause of, 507 
Union armies, 42 
Union, crises of the, great, 233 
establishment of the, 488 
love for the, 15 
preservation of the, 398, 483 
restoration of, 234 
salvation of the, 488 
soldiers of the, 19, 20 
struggle for the, 491 
Unions, labor, 26 

in Government Printing Office, 

520 
great importance of, 652 
rules of, and United States 

laws, 520 
when not recognized, 522 
Union League Club, Philadelphia, 
211 
San Francisco, 413 
United America, proofs of, 19 
United States, 668, 669 
affairs in, 29 
and China, 602-603 
Army, 43 
Bench, 82 
Circuit Court, 283 
Courts, 660 
critics of, 217 
future of, 607 
grants in Panama, 708 
historian of, '502 
land policy, 388 
Military Academy, 70 
Naval Academy, 33-36 
Navy, 33 

public opinion in, 557 
Supreme Court, 82 
The Hague Tribunal and, 623 
Universities, duty of, 28 
University, true object of a, 378 
Unscrupulous man, restraint of the, 

652 
Urban population, the growth of our, 

100 
Usefulness and happiness, 478 
Utah, 435, 442 

cultivated area of, 443 
development of, 436-444 
"Gamaliel," 442 
Government help for, 442 
irrigated region, first, 442 
irrigation in, 442 
irrigation reservoirs in, 444 
mining in, 437 
pioneers of, 436, 442 



Index 



821 



Valor, American heritage of, 452 

Van Dyke, Henry, 50 

Van Vorst, Mrs. Bessie, 508-510 

Yasco da Gama, 151 

Venezuela, 669 

blockade in, 260, 667-668 

claims against, 668 

Monroe Doctrine and, 260-263 

Venezuelan Government, 262 
trouble, 10, 260 

Venice, 151, 391 

Veteran soldiers, increased value of, 
588 

Veterans to the Civil Service, rela- 
tion of, 687 

Veterans, Civil War, 489, 586, 590, 
686 
debt to, National, 591 
justice to the, 586 
New Jersey, 482 
tribute to the, 15 

Veto power, when not exercised, 3 

Victoria, Queen, death of, 605 

Victory, secret of, 142 

Vienna, international arbitration 
union at, 672 

Violence, ignorant, dangers of, 540 

Virginia, 167, 169, 223, 453, 5^7 
great sons of, 454 
in American history, 453 
University founded, 454 
University in history, 453-45° 
University of, 453"458, 644 

Virginians, great deeds of, 453 
in public life, 454 
in statecraft, 454 

Virtue and orderly liberty, 481 
and strength, 460 
public and private, 413 

Virtues, commonplace, value of, 289 
of greatness, 492 
no substitutes for, 508 
softer and stronger, 480 
value of, to State, 134 

Volunteer forces, United States, 93 
militia and, 630 
provisions for, 599 
raising of, 590 

Volunteer soldiers, reliance on, 591 

Voting, difficulties of, in Philippines, 

95 
Filipino method of, 95 

W 

Wages, the American standard of, 

615 

high rate of, present, 546 
Wage-workers, interests of, 85 

prosperity of, 475, 608 

qualities of the, 466 

well-being of, 615 
Wagner, Charles, his philosophy, 131 
Wales Island, 666 



War and peace, leaders in, 289 

spirit in, 488 
War, character required in, 585 

Civil, 10, 17, 18, 19, 21, 25, 32, 
37, 40, 43. 55. 61, 67, 72, 119. 
141-142, 145, 165, 186, 203, 
205, 209, 211, 212, 217, 222, 
223, 230, 232, 233, 308, 310, 
311, 330, 344. 377. 397. 433. 
451, 452, 478, 483, 486, 487, 
489, 491. 492, 505. 50". 529. 
591, 607, 686 
Civil, abuses in, 63 
College, Naval, 692 
comradeship in, 365 
conducting, lesson in, 399 
contraband of, 671 
decline of, 575. 622, 670 
demands of, on men, 585 
Department of, 9, 61, 316, 319, 

559. 586, 589 
duties of, 492 
fleet, great, true meaning of, 

583 
hardships of, 62 
individual in, the, 75, 630 
Mexican, 10, 72, 222, 454, 746 
modern conditions of, 74"75> 

585. 630 
moral and material interests in. 

50 
of 1812, 10, 119 
Philippine, 92, 98, 185, 399 
readiness for, 394 
reasons for going to, 14 
Revolutionary, 18 
Secretary of, 10, 83, 571, 630, 

631, 665 
Spanish, 10, 54, 72, 84, 87, 92. 

98, 119, 125, 203, 204, 215, 

236, 239, 310, 320, 377, 397. 

398, 399. 484. 579. 580, 646 
Spanish, veterans of, 185 
taxes, abolition of, 654 
training in, value of, 585 
United States Government on, 

attitude of, 671 
wicked folly of, 575 
with uncivilized peoples, 622, 

628 
Warships, building of, 266 

uses of, in peace, 582 
Washington, District of Columbia, 

39, 221-225, 226, 249, 261, 

263, 309, 440, 446. 455. 489. 

493. 495. 50i, 649, 668 
alleys in, 547 
business interests of, 225 
improvements in, 547 
model city, a, 642 
"Post" quoted, 720, 721 
sanitary laws in, 642 
Washington, George, President, 57, 
70, 72, 138, 232, 289, 319, 
329, 399, 470, 487, 488, 644 
and Lincoln, 445 



822 



Index 



Washington, George, as a statesman, 
232 

days of, 607 

soldiers of, 487 

work of, 41 
Washington, State of, 97, 393, 420, 
421, 426, 427, 428, 429, 677 

future of, 429 
Water-craft inspection, 685 
Water hoarding, laws against, 565 

laws in Western States, 565 

right of use to, 565 

rights, perpetual, evil of, 565 

rights to, in excess of use, 564 

State ownership of, perpetual, 

565 

supply and the forests, 559 

supply, evils of changing, 443 

titles and court decisions, 564 

titles to, stability in, 564 
Waters, preservation of, 384 

using, question of, 438 
Watersheds and forests, 444 

protecting the, 444 
Waterways, Federal control of the, 

56i 
Watson, John C, Rear-Adiniral, 39 
Waukesha, Wis., 268 
Wealth, abuse of, 273 

abuses of, 538 

aggregate, increase of, 538 

and misconduct, 610 
...cause of increased. 100 
/\ concentration of, 274 

corporate, National causes of, 
538 

dangers of great, 102 

expenditure of, proper, 778 

legitimate, benefits of, 538 

necessary reward of effort, 539 

of Tariff Bill, 538 

opportunities of, 51 

outcry against, 275 

outcry against, cause of, 773 

regulation of, 538 

United States, 631 

unreasoning hostility to>, 764 
Weevil in cotton States, the, 684 
Weil award against Mexico, 605 
Welfare of community, 472 

National, nature of, 537 

of workers, vital moment of, 
546 
Well-being, causes of our, 608 

of wage- workers, 615 

our unique, 607 

popular, 608 
Wesley, John, 228, 242-248 

secret of his power, 248 
West, forestry sentiment in the, 558 

land-law revision in the, 680 

Methodists in the, 39 
Western Hemisphere, 578, 597 

colonies in, 450 

peoples of, 597 

Spain driven from, 758 



Western States, water laws in, 565 

West Indies, 22, 87 

West Point, 70, 120, 412, 630 

mathematics at, 589 

men, services of, 71 

promotions at, 690 

training at, 589 

training, value of, 76 

unique character of, 71 
Wheat, macaroni, introduction of, 

641 
Wheeler, Benjamin Ide, 404, 405, 

408 
Wheeler, Joseph, General, 20, 203 
Wheeling, West Virginia, 146, 151 
White blood, an "insult" to, 511 
White House, the, 15, 203, 455, 504. 
506, 606, 645, 648, 709 

additions in, incongruous, 644 

architecture of, 644 

restoration of, 455, 644 

Washington's plans for, 644 
White men, appointments of, 512, 

White Pass, Alaska, 667 
Wickedness not "smart," 460 
Wilson, Edgar L., 517 
Wilson-Gorman tariff bill, 3 
Wisconsin, 268, 272 
Wisdom and strength, 496 
Wisdom, human limits of, 537 

true, nature of, 135 
Wise treatment of trusts, 175, 541 
Woman, the glory of a, 479 

supreme duty of a, 510 

who toils, article on the, 508 
Wood, Leonard, General, 80, 81, 238, 
408, 409, 412 

criticisms of, undeserved, 411 

sacrifices of, in Cuba, 411 

services of, to Cuba, 81 

work of, in Cuba, 411 
Words and deeds, homage in, 491 
Work, advantages of, 477 

and love, 356 

and play, 379 

and play, relation of, 294 

cost of any great, 91 

duty and privilege in, 510 

manner of doing, 478 

necessity of, 356, 432 

need of good, 355-356 

value of good, 28 

varieties of, 432 
Workers, American, character of, 

547 
welfare of, important, 546 
well-being of, important, 551 
Workingman defined, 432 
Workingmen. American, conditions 
of, 298 
and trusts, 178 
World, part in, our large, 607 
Worth of a man, 481 
Wright, Luke E., 21, 67, 95, 202, 
207, 208-211, 223 



Index 



823 



Wright, Luke E., efficient work of, 
210 
tribute to, 208 
Wrong, condemnation of the, 500 
Wyoming, 324, 326, 327, 362 



Yale University, 80, 81 

Y. M. C. A. at, 229 
Yalu River, 674 
Yellowstone National Park, 324-328 

game in the, 328 



Yellowstone, wild life in, 560 
Vosemite Park, 326 
Young, S. B. M., General, 724, 725 
Young Men's Christian Association, 
226-231, 353-36i 
railroad branch of, 353 
work of, 228 
Young Women's Christian Associa- 
tion, 227 



Zoological Park, National, 598 



70 8 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




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